Civil Resistance, 1970s-1980s
How internal resistance revived apartheid's opponents - from Black Consciousness and Soweto to the UDF and the states of emergency.
Speaker notes
Frame the unit. In the 1960s the banning of the ANC and PAC, the Rivonia Trial and long jail sentences left internal resistance weak. This lesson tracks how, from the late 1960s onwards, a new wave of resistance rebuilt from inside the country: first ideas (Black Consciousness), then youth revolt (1976), organised workers (unions), and finally a mass front (the UDF) that the state tried to smash with emergency rule. Ask learners to keep asking: who is resisting, how, and how does the state respond?
A 'silent decade' and its end
By the late 1960s apartheid looked secure - but resistance was quietly regrouping.
After Sharpeville (1960) the state banned the ANC and PAC, jailed leaders such as Nelson Mandela, and drove the liberation movements into exile and underground. Open mass protest inside the country was crushed, and the 1960s are sometimes called the 'silent decade'.
- Repressive laws allowed detention without trial and banning of activists.
- The economy grew, but Africans remained excluded from political power.
- New resistance would grow from students, workers and communities rather than the banned parties.
Speaker notes
Establish continuity and change. Learners have already met Sharpeville and the turn to armed struggle in the previous unit. Stress that the 1970s revival was largely a story of new formations working legally or semi-legally inside South Africa, because the established movements were banned. This sets up why Black Consciousness and independent trade unions mattered so much.
Black Consciousness and Steve Biko
'The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.'
Frustrated by white-led student politics, black students broke away to form the South African Students' Organisation (SASO) in 1969, with Steve Biko as its first president. Their philosophy, Black Consciousness (BC), urged black South Africans to reject an inferiority complex, take pride in their identity, and free themselves psychologically before they could free themselves politically.
- 'Black' was defined politically to include African, Coloured and Indian people oppressed by apartheid.
- The Black People's Convention (1972) spread BC ideas into communities through self-help projects.
- BC gave a new generation the confidence and language to resist.
Speaker notes
SASO was founded in 1968 and formally launched in 1969 at Turfloop; keep the emphasis on 1969 as the launch. Explain BC as psychological liberation: pride, self-reliance and unity among the oppressed. Note the political redefinition of 'black' to build a broad identity. Draw the contrast with earlier movements: BC worked openly and legally at first, which is partly why it spread so fast on campuses and in clinics and community programmes.
The Soweto Uprising
A student protest against Afrikaans in schools became a nationwide revolt.
In 1974 the government ordered that Afrikaans be used equally with English as a medium of instruction in black schools. Students, many influenced by Black Consciousness, saw this as 'the language of the oppressor'. On 16 June 1976 thousands of Soweto students marched peacefully; police opened fire, and the protest exploded into an uprising that spread across the country.
- Official figures put the dead at 23 on the first day; later estimates run far higher.
- The image of a dying Hector Pieterson made world headlines.
- Thousands of young people fled into exile and joined the liberation movements.
Speaker notes
Handle the violence responsibly: focus on the students' peaceful intent and the disproportionate force used. The death toll is contested - cite the official 23 for day one while noting historians' higher estimates, and avoid a single 'final' number. Emphasise consequences: international condemnation, a surge of recruits to the ANC and PAC in exile, and the arrival of youth as a central force in the struggle. Link back to Bantu Education from the Grade 9 unit.
Biko's death and the 1977 bannings
The state tried to kill an idea by silencing its organisations.
Steve Biko was detained and died in police custody on 12 September 1977 from injuries sustained during interrogation. His death caused an international outcry. On 19 October 1977 the government banned around 18 Black Consciousness and related organisations, including SASO and the Black People's Convention, and shut down newspapers that had reported on the movement.
- Biko became a global symbol of resistance and of apartheid's brutality.
- Banning the organisations did not destroy the ideas they had spread.
- Many activists regrouped through unions, churches and community bodies.
Speaker notes
The inquest into Biko's death found no one responsible, which itself became evidence of apartheid injustice; you can mention this while keeping detail age-appropriate. The key analytical point: repression could ban organisations and even kill leaders, but Black Consciousness had already changed how a generation thought, and those people carried the struggle into new structures. This bridges neatly to the rise of the trade unions.
The power of organised labour
Strikes and unions turned economic muscle into political pressure.
The Durban strikes of 1973 - tens of thousands of workers downing tools - showed the power of collective action and sparked a new wave of independent black trade unions. These grew through the decade, forming the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) in 1979 and, in December 1985, the much larger Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU).
- COSATU was launched on 1 December 1985 with Elijah Barayi as president and Jay Naidoo as general secretary.
- Unions linked wage demands to the wider fight against apartheid.
- Strikes and stayaways became powerful weapons in the 1980s.
Speaker notes
Explain why unions mattered: apartheid depended on black labour, so organised workers could hurt the economy and force negotiations. FOSATU (1979) built a non-racial, shop-floor tradition; COSATU (1985) united a much bigger membership and openly aligned with the broader liberation struggle. Connect to the UDF era: unions and community organisations increasingly acted together in stayaways and boycotts.
The Tricameral Parliament
A 'reform' that gave some a vote while excluding the majority.
In 1983 the government introduced a new constitution creating a Tricameral Parliament with three separate chambers: one for whites, one for Coloureds and one for Indians - but no representation at all for the African majority. It was designed to divide the oppressed and give apartheid a more acceptable face.
- Real power stayed firmly in white hands through a weighted system.
- Africans were meant to exercise 'rights' only in the Bantustans.
- Instead of dividing opponents, it united them in protest.
Speaker notes
This is a key cause of the UDF's formation. Make the analytical point clearly: the Tricameral system was a strategy of co-option and division - buy off Coloured and Indian elites, isolate Africans in Bantustans. Ask learners why excluding the majority made the 'reform' a political blunder. It handed the resistance a single, unifying grievance.
The United Democratic Front
'UDF unites, apartheid divides.'
On 20 August 1983 around 10,000 people gathered at Mitchells Plain, Cape Town, to launch the United Democratic Front (UDF). Answering a call from Rev. Allan Boesak to oppose the Tricameral constitution, delegates from about 565 affiliated organisations - civics, unions, churches, student and women's groups - joined a single, broad coalition.
- The UDF openly identified with the ideals of the Freedom Charter and the exiled ANC.
- Leaders included Albertina Sisulu, Archie Gumede and Popo Molefe.
- It coordinated boycotts, stayaways and mass campaigns across the country.
Speaker notes
The UDF is the centrepiece of the 1980s internal resistance. Stress its structure - a front of hundreds of independent affiliates rather than a single party - which made it hard for the state to ban. It was non-racial and drew on the Freedom Charter, effectively acting as the internal ally of the exiled ANC. Note the leadership names to broaden the picture beyond one or two figures, including women leaders such as Albertina Sisulu.
Civil resistance, 1969-1986
- 1969 SASO launched; Black Consciousness spreads
- 1973 Durban strikes revive the trade unions
- 1976 Soweto Uprising (16 June)
- 1977 Biko dies in custody; BC organisations banned
- 1983 Tricameral constitution; UDF launched
- 1985-86 COSATU formed; nationwide state of emergency
Speaker notes
Use this to consolidate before the final analytical slides. Ask learners to trace the pattern: ideas (1969), workers (1973), youth (1976), repression (1977), mass front (1983), confrontation and emergency rule (1985-86). Point out that each phase built on the last - the movement grew broader and better organised even under heavy repression.
States of emergency, 1985-1986
As townships rose up, the government ruled by emergency decree.
In January 1985 the ANC in exile called on people to make apartheid 'ungovernable'. Townships erupted in rent and consumer boycotts, school boycotts, stayaways and the setting up of street committees. The state responded with a partial state of emergency on 21 July 1985, and a nationwide state of emergency on 12 June 1986.
- Thousands were detained without trial, including many UDF activists.
- The army occupied townships and the press was heavily censored.
- Repression slowed the revolt but could not restore apartheid's legitimacy.
Speaker notes
The 'ungovernability' call came from Oliver Tambo's January 1985 statement. Explain the tactics of the mass revolt - boycotts, stayaways, alternative township structures - as attempts to make apartheid administration collapse from below. Then explain the states of emergency as the state's attempt to crush this with detentions, troops and censorship. The analytical takeaway: force could suppress protest temporarily but deepened the crisis of legitimacy that pushed the government towards negotiations by 1990.
Boycotts, stayaways and international pressure
Resistance combined pressure from inside and outside the country.
Consumer & rent boycotts
Communities refused to buy from white-owned shops or pay rent, hitting the economy and local apartheid structures.
Stayaways & school boycotts
Workers and students withdrew their labour and attendance, showing mass rejection of apartheid.
International pressure
Sanctions, disinvestment and the sports and cultural boycotts isolated South Africa abroad.
Speaker notes
Show how internal and external pressure reinforced each other. Consumer and rent boycotts turned everyday economic choices into political weapons and were closely linked to the UDF and unions. International sanctions and the sports boycott (for example exclusion from the Olympics and the cricket and rugby isolation) raised the cost of apartheid and boosted morale inside the country. Encourage learners to weigh how much each factor contributed - a classic FET analytical debate.
The idea that outlived the bans
Black Consciousness argued that liberation began in the mind.
The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed. Steve Biko, 1970s
Biko's insight explains why the 1970s and 1980s resistance was so powerful. Once people rejected the belief that apartheid was natural or permanent, no banning order could fully restore that belief. The confidence built by Black Consciousness fed the youth revolt of 1976, the unions, and the mass mobilisation of the UDF.
Speaker notes
Use the quote to draw the threads together. The core argument of the unit: repression could ban organisations, jail and even kill leaders, but it could not un-change the political consciousness of millions of South Africans. Ask learners to connect the quote to at least two events covered in the lesson (for example Soweto 1976 and the UDF). This models the kind of evidence-based paragraph CAPS essays reward.
What we learned - and questions to answer
Internal resistance rebuilt from ideas to mass action, and apartheid's legitimacy collapsed even as repression grew.
Between the late 1960s and the mid-1980s, resistance moved from Black Consciousness to the 1976 uprising, the rise of the unions, and the mass mobilisation of the UDF. The government's Tricameral 'reform' and its states of emergency failed to win legitimacy, setting the stage for negotiations at the end of the decade.
Q. Explain how Black Consciousness contributed to the revival of resistance in the 1970s. Use evidence to support your answer. (8 marks)
Q. Why did the United Democratic Front become such an effective form of internal resistance in the 1980s? (6 marks)
Q. 'The states of emergency of 1985-1986 strengthened apartheid rather than weakening it.' Do you agree? Discuss. (10 marks)
Speaker notes
Close by linking the phases as cause and effect. Use the three questions as source-based or extended-writing tasks; the mark allocations mirror CAPS paragraph and essay styles. The final essay-style question is deliberately arguable - reward a clear line of argument backed by evidence from the lesson. Signal the next unit: negotiations, the unbanning of the ANC in 1990, and the road to 1994.
- Grade
- Grade 12
- Subject
- History
- CAPS topic
- Civil resistance 1970s-1980s
- Resource type
- Presentation