South Africa’s Radical Tradition: A documentary history, Volume two 1943 – 1964.
Edited by Alison Drew.

Part one

Building the national movement
Political alliances and unity


  1. Harry Snitcher was an advocate and Chair of the Cape Town District Committee of the CPSA. In 1938 he ran for Parliament on a Socialist Party platform. He was one of the eight members of the CPSA Central Executive charged with sedition following the 1946 African Mineworkers' strike.

  2. Daniel Francois Malan (1874-1959), politician and theologian, became an M.P. for the NP in 1918, joined Pact Government in 1924, and after the election of the Fusion Government in 1934 led the opposition Purified National Party. Following the 1948 electoral victory of a reunited NP, Malan became Prime Minister. Oswald Pirow (1890-1959) was a lawyer and politician who became Minister of Justice in 1929. The next year he helped pass the Riotous Assemblies Amendment Act through Parliament. A supporter of Adolf Hitler, Pirow opposed South Africa's entry into World War Two and founded a New Order to an Afrikaner socialist state in South Africa. He withdrew from politics after failing to promote unity of the far right. Eric Louw, an advocate of the removal of blacks from the common voters' roll, became Minister of Economic Affairs and, later, of Foreign Affairs during the apartheid era. J. F. J. van Rensburg was a leader of the Ossewabrandwag (Oxwaggon Sentinels), formed in 1939. Under Van Rensburg's leadership, this became a national socialist paramilitary organisation during World War Two, engaging in anti-war sabotage. By 1943 the Ossewabrandwag was finished, as the NP became the dominant voice of Afrikaner nationalism.

  3. Hawa H. Ahmed was the pseudonym of Halima Gool (d. 1993), active in Cape Town radical politics in the 1930s and '40s and married to Goolam Gool. She was Secretary of the NLL and the Anti-CAD, was a speaker at the Non-European Women's Suffrage League in August 1938, and organised a Laundry Workers Union which she represented at the 1939 NEUF conference. Her notebooks contain one lecture on "The Evolution of Society: the Epoch of Barbarism", and another on the "History of Women", which examines the basis of matriarchy in the ancient world through a consideration of the writings of Engels, Darwin, Briffault and Lafargue. In 1941 she addressed the Durban-based Liberal Study Group, attended by NIC radicals, on the status of women; the following year the group formed a Women's Class, possibly inspired by Gool's talk.

  4. Dr Goolam H. Gool (1905-62) was a British-trained physician who joined the Lenin Club in the early 1930s and initially supported the minority CLSA faction but later moved to the WPSA. He formed the NEF in 1937 and was briefly President of the NLL. He was a founding member and on the Executive of the AAC and the Anti-CAD and Vice-Chair of the NEUM but became profoundly disillusioned with NEUM politics in the l950s. He was married to Halima Gool.

  5. Benjamin M. Kies (1917-79) was a prominent Cape Town-based intellectual, active in the NEF and a leader in the TLSA, Anti-CAD movement and NEUM. Kies had a profound influence on several generations of political activists in the Western Cape, which reached a cult status despite verbal opposition to personality cults. In 1937 he was one of a younger generation of radicals who ousted the old-guard APO-supporting leadership of the TLSA, moving the organisation in a more radical direction. For many years a teacher at Trafalgar High School, in 1956 he was banned from teaching because of his political views and subsequently became an advocate. He edited the TLSA organ, The Educational Journal, as well as The Torch. His ideas on the origins of segregation and his thesis of "teachers as a vanguard" who could disseminate political ideas amongst the oppressed were extremely influential within NEUM circles. He presented the second A. J. Abrahamse Memorial Lecture, a triennial lecture delivered under the auspices of the TLSA, on 29 September 1953. His lecture, entitled The Contribution of the Non-European Peoples to World Civilisation, was published as a pamphlet. In the late 1950s he and Hosea Jaffe led an Anti-CAD faction within the NEUM which argued that many AAC leaders were moving towards bourgeois African nationalism. Although often associated in the public eye with Trotskyism, used as a pejorative label, Kies, like I. B. Tabata, put forward a left political alternative to Communist-Party orthodoxy and to black nationalism. Kies and his comrades created a critical intellectual climate around Cape Town that existed nowhere else in South Africa and has not existed since. However, their conception of politics excluded popular agitation and their scepticism about mass action eventually led to their political marginalisation. .

  6. Herrenvolk - German for "master race". The term carried connotations of Nazi Germany and could therefore be used to characterise the politics of the South African regime. This term was frequently used in NEUM discourse, along with the expression "quisling". Widkun Quisling was a Norwegian politician who collaborated with the German occupation forces during World War Two. The term was subsequently used to identify any collaborator with an alien and illegitimate regime. The NEUM's use of these terms arguably deflected from an explicit focus on class analysis and reinforced nationalist sentiments.

  7. John Tengo Jabavu (1859-1921) was a teacher and editor of the influential Xhosa Eastern Cape weekly, Imvo Zabantsundu (Black Opinion), which expressed the aspirations of the emergent black petty bourgeoisie. Abdullah Abdurahman (1872-1940), a doctor who received his medical degree from Glasgow University in 1893, was President of the APO from 1905 to 1940. For many years he was a member of the Cape Town City Council. He was opposed in later years by a more militant younger generation of political activists, which included his daughter Cissie Gool. Francis Herman Gow (b. 1890), an educator and religious leader in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, served on the CAC. Pixley ka Izaka Seme (1881-1951), a lawyer by profession, was a principal founder of the ANC and a proponent of the notion of black economic self-help. He proposed the idea of upper and lower houses to represent chiefs and commoners in the ANC, based on the British bicameral system. Under his Presidency from 1930 to 1937, the ANC became increasingly conservative and inactive as he promoted the interests of the aspirant African commercial class and sought closer ties with chiefs. Abdulla Ismail Kajee (1898-1947) was a moderate Moslem businessman who led the NIC from the mid-1930s until 1945, when a more militant group led by G.M. Naicker sidelined him. John Langalibelele Dube (1871-1946) was first President-General of the ANC until 1917 and remained President of the Natal ANC until 1945. He launched the Ilanga lase Natal (Natal Sun), Natal's first African paper, in 1903. Like Seme, he was an advocate of black self-help, yet their political relationship was marked by personal rivalry. Dube successfully fought the challenges of younger and more radical leaders in Natal, such as A. W. G. Champion and J. T. Gumede.

  8. The SALP was formed in 1910 under the leadership of Colonel F. H. P. Cresswell on a white labour protectionist platform. It peaked in popularity around 1920 and thereafter declined. In 1924 it formed the Pact Government with the NP, and it split in 1928. From 1943 to 1958 it formed electoral pacts with the UP, and it finally ceased in 1958, when it lost all its Parliamentary seats.

  9. In 1919 Clements Kadalie founded the ICU as a trade union of dockworkers in Cape Town, and that year it successfully fought its first strike. In the 1920s it became less concerned with urban trade-union work and to organising in the rural areas. Its members included both Africans and coloureds.

  10. By late 1920s the ICU was weakened by state repression and by the personal rivalries and financial corruption of its leadership. William G. Ballinger (1894-1974) came to South Africa in 1928 as an advisor to the ICU but was unable to prevent its disintegration into hostile factions. In 1930-31 he represented the ICU at the Non-European Conferences. He was a member of the Joint Council movement, and from 1960 he was a Natives' Representative in Senate for the Transvaal and Orange Free State. He helped found the Liberal Party but later lost sympathy with it. He was married to Margaret Ballinger.

  11. In the 1930s the government restricted Indian occupancy of land in the Transvaal, and in 1943 the Pegging Act prohibited the transfer of property between whites and Indians in Durban for three years, closing off the main avenue of investment still available to Indians in Natal and the Transvaal. In 1946 the Pegging Act extended throughout Natal and the Transvaal by the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Bill, known as the Ghetto Act. This prohibited, with few exceptions, the further sale of property within Natal to Indians and introduced the notion of Indian communal political rights.

  12. Daniel R. Koza (d. 1964) was a leading trade unionist in the 1930s and '40s. He worked with Max Gordon in the ACDWU and became its Secretary after Gordon's internment until his resignation in 1948. He was a member of the PTU in CNETU. He was involved with the AAC, attending its 1943, '44 and '48 conferences, and he was a founder of the ADP. At the AAC's December 1944 conference he represented the FIOSA and argued for the full recognition of African trade unions, including the right to strike. This became PTU policy. In the 1950s he was involved with the Johannesburg PF but grew more distant from AAC and NEUM and went to England to study. Isaac B. Tabata (1909-90), and author and pre-eminent figure in the NEUM, was born near Queenstown in the Cape and educated at Lovedale and Fort Hare. In 1931 he left University and moved to Cape Town, where he worked as a truck joined the Lorry Drivers' Union and became a member of its executive. He also joined the Cape African Voters' Association. In 1933 he began attending meetings of the Lenin Club with Goolam Gool and joined the WPSA. In the early 1940s he was one of a group of radicals who took over the leadership of the AAC, arguing for a boycott of all racial structures proposed by the government, and he was a founder of the NEUM. As an organiser for the AAC he made yearly trips to Transkei in the late 1940s and early ‘50s. He was banned in 1956. In 1961 he established and became president of APDUSA. Tabata was married to Jane Gool, sister of Goolam Gool, and an activist in the Anti-CAD, AAC and NEUM. They left South Africa in 1963 and lived in Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

  13. When the draft declaration was prepared, it was expected that the SAIC would be attending the Unity Conference, along with the AAC and Anti-CAD. Thus the original draft, reprinted in Karis and Carter (1973 352-7), begins: "These three organisations...”

  14. Mrs. Zainunnissa "Cissie" Gool (1900-63) was the charismatic daughter of Abdullah Abdurahman, sister-in-law of Goolam Gool and a prominent Cape Town political leader. In the early 1930s she unsuccessfully challenged her father's leadership of the staid APO; then, with James La Guma and John Gomas founded the NLL in December 1935, serving as its first President. She was a founder and first president of the NEUF, a member of the short-lived SASP and served on the CPSA's Political Bureau. From 1938 to the 1950s she represented District Six on the Cape Town City Council and for many years was the only woman on the Council. She was restricted under the Suppression of Communism Act. See Everett (1978).

  15. Founded in 1902, the African Political Organisation - later renamed African People's Organisation sought to extend the legal and political rights held by coloureds in the Cape Colony to those in the northern colonies. Led by Dr Abdullah Abdurahman, who was president from 1905 until his death in 1940, the APO was a significant political force until the mid-1920s, at its peak counting 20 000 members in 111 branches throughout southern Africa. It made overtures towards co-operation with Africans in the ANC. Later it became more of a mutual-benefit, burial and building society, and an object of scorn to the generation of coloured radicals entering politics in the 1930s.

  16. Janub" Jane" Gool (1902-96) graduated from Fort Hare and became a teacher in Cape Town's District Six. In 1935 she, her brother Goolam Gool, and I. B. Tabata attended the inaugural meeting of the AAC, and from that time she became "part and parcel of African politics". She joined the Cape Town WPSA in the 1930s, founding member of the Anti-CAD, a leading activist in the AAC and NEUM and co-founder of APDUSA; she frequently spoke on international events. She was married to I. B. Tabata. Banned in 1961, two years later she and Tabata went into exile and lived in Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. In exile she represented the UMSA. She authored the pamphlet The Crimes of Bantu Education.

  17. Dr Yusuf Mohammed Dadoo (1909-83) trained as a medical doctor in Britain, where he joined the ILP in Edinburgh and became involved in Indian anti-colonial agitation. On his return to South Africa, he became an activist in the TIC. His politics were influenced by Gandhi' s notion of satyagraha and by an advocacy of Non-European unity, and he was a founder of the NEUF in 1938. The next year he joined the CPSA. He was jailed in early 1941 for leading anti-war protests but, following the CPSA, reversed his position on the war once Germany invaded the Soviet Union. He became President of the TIC in 1945, moving it away from the politics of the Indian merchant class and giving it a more confrontationist style. He and other Communists were charged and tried for allegedly organising the 1946 African mineworkers' strike. In 1947 Dadoo, Dr A. B. Xuma and Dr G. M. Naicker signed the "Doctor's Pact" with the aim of promoting joint African-Indian action. This paved the way for the Defiance Campaign; Dadoo and Yusuf Cachalia represented the SAIC on the Campaign's Joint Planning Council. Dadoo was President of the SAIC in the early 1950s, and when the SACP was reconstituted as an underground organisation in 1953, he was on the Party's Central Committee. He was banned during the Defiance Campaign and left South Africa in 1960. In 1972 he became Chair of the SACP.

  18. Workers’ Voice was published by the Trotskyist CLSA 1935-6. In the 1940s the CLSA's successor, FIOSA, published both a newspaper and a theoretical organ by that name.

  19. Archibald Percival Wavell, 1st Earl (1883-1950), was a professional soldier who attained the rank of Field Marshall. In June 1943 he was appointed Viceroy of India and was involved in continuing political negotiations about its future constitutional status. He released the Indian Congress leaders from prison in the summer of 1945. Earl Mountbatten replaced him as Viceroy in February 1947.

  20. Leon Trotsky (1879-1940) was a Russian revolutionary and a leader of the October 1917 revolution. He founded the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. After Lenin's death in 1924 he was ousted from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and exiled by Stalin. He was assassinated in Mexico by an agent of Stalin. The reference is to Trotsky's 1935 letter to the South African comrades, written in response to the draft theses of the Lenin Club's majority tendency, which became the WPSA. It was published in Workers' Voice: Theoretical Supplement, November 1944, and is reprinted in South Africa's Radical Tradition, Volume One. 

  21. The French Communist Party participated in the post-war French government. They had acquired legitimacy on account of their involvement in the resistance movement, but with the intensification of the Cold War they withdrew from the government in 1947. Post-war French governments were concerned to re-establish control over their overseas empire and many on the Left agreed with this policy.

  22. Ernest Bevin (1881-1951) was a trade-union leader, a critic of the orthodoxy of interwar British economic policy and, from May 1940 to May 1945, Minister of Labour in the Churchill Coalition Government. He then served as Foreign Secretary in the post-war Labour administration and is generally regarded as one of the architects of Cold War diplomacy. His attitude towards Africa was essentially that it should provide primary materials for the industrial economies.

  23. The 1924 Industrial Conciliation Act introduced a system of collective bargaining between employers and employees which effectively gave trade unions their long-pursued objective of legal protection. The system of industrial relations was criticised by the left as enshrining a principle of class collaboration but the legislation arguably facilitated the growth of white trade unions. Essentially, the Act was discrimi­natory on racial grounds. It excluded the agricultural, domestic and government sectors. Moreover, it did not incorporate pass-bearing Africans and indentured Indians. This was achieved by a narrow definition of "employee" so that exclusions included anyone whose contract of service came under the Native Labour Regulation Act of 1911, provincial pass laws and the Indian labour statutes of Natal. In the 1940s, political agitation aimed at winning recognition as employees for groups excluded under the Act. In 1947 the government presented the Industrial Conciliation ("Native") Bill which, with some support from secondary industry, gave some degree of recognition to African trade unions. .

  24. Majority Rule: Some Notes was originally serialised in the TLSA's organ, The Educational Journal (1929-79), and published by the TLSA as a pamphlet in 1982. This document gives the NEUM interpretation of the TARC episode. Victor Wessels (1929-79), considered to be the leading intellectual in the NEUM in the 1970s, was the son of Reverend Dan Wessels, a Moravian Minister in Hernandal. A graduate of Livingstone High School and of UCT, he later returned to teach at Livingstone, where he became renowned as a teacher. He was on the Executive of the TLSA and the Anti-CAD and a leading figure in the Unity Movement's educational fellowships. In 1968 he was transferred to Upington but was driven out of town two years later with the support of the security police and returned to Cape Town. He was banned from teaching in 1969 and subsequently ran a garage. He worked with the Municipal Workers' Association in Cape Town. A. E. "Sonny" Abdurahman, the TARC Secretary, was the nephew of Dr Abdullah Abdurahman.

  25. Freedom was a publication of the CPSA.

  26. Ruth First (1925-82), political activist, journalist and scholar, was the daughter of Baltic immigrants. First joined the CPSA while a student at the University of the Witwatersrand and was secretary of the Young Communist League and the Progressive Youth Council. When the CPSA leadership was arrested following the 1946 African Mineworkers' Strike, she became temporary secretary of the Johannesburg CPSA office. Later, she became Johannesburg editor of The Guardian and editor of Fighting Talk. In the late 1950s she was a defendant in the Treason Trial, and she was detained in 1963. Through her journalistic work she illuminated the conditions of black farm workers in Bethal. She published a number of monographs on southern African labour and politics and developed a reputation for being more intellectually tolerant of other Left perspectives than some of her more orthodox Party comrades. She was married to Joe Slovo. She was assassinated in Mozambique.

  27. The Guardian was a weekly CPSA-aligned newspaper which began publication in February 1937 and was banned in May 1952, reappearing as The Clarion, then, due to successive bannings, as People’s World, Advance, New Age, and Spark.

  28. Davidson Don Tengo Jabavu (1885-1959), oldest son of J. T. Jabavu, studied at Lovedale and Morija Institution in Basutoland, received a bachelor's degree from the University of London and a diploma of Education from the University of Birmingham. On his return to South Africa in 1915, he was the first faculty appointment at Fort Hare, rising to become Professor of Bantu Languages. He was President of the AAC from its founding until 1948, preferring persuasion and gradualism to mass action. Alfred Bitini Xuma (c. 1893-1962) was a medical doctor and the first black person to get a Ph.D. from the London School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene. In 1935 he became Vice-President of the AAC, and in 1939, President-General of the ANC, which he reorganised and rebuilt in the 1940s. In 1949 he was unseated by the more radical ANC Youth League.

  29. This refers to "A Call for African Unity", which was signed by Xuma, Jabavu, Moroka, Matthews, Bokwe, Godlo, Mosaka, Baloyi, Champion, Selope Thema, Ntlabati and Mahabane, in Karis and Carter (1973:368-9).

  30. Professor Z. K. Matthews (1901-68), educationist and political activist, studied at Lovedale College and at Fort Hare, and in 1923 became the first African to obtain a B.A. in South Africa. He became head of Adams College, and with Albert Luthuli attended the Durban Joint Council. In 1930 he became the first African to earn an LL.B. in South Africa and was admitted to the Johannesburg bar and the Transvaal division of the Supreme Court. In 1934 he obtained an M.A. from Yale University and then studied at the London School of Economics. In 1936 he became a lecturer at Fort Hare and in 1944, professor and head of the African Studies department. He served on numerous educational and political bodies, including the SAIRR. Matthews launched the AAC in 1935 with D. D. T. Jabavu. However, his loyalty lay with the ANC; he supported the ANC Youth League Programme of Action in 1949 and proposed the idea of a Freedom Charter in 1953. From 1942 to 1950 he was a member of the NRC.

  31. Moses M. Kotane (1905-78) was a leading Communist and prominent member of the ANC. Having worked in various jobs, he joined the ANC in 1928 and the CPSA in 1929. He quickly became a full-time CPSA organiser and worked on Umsebenzi. From 1931 to 1932, he attended the Lenin School in Moscow. In the mid-1930s, coinciding with the Comintern's Peoples' Front period, he helped steer the Party away from the New Line. In 1935 he was removed from the CPSA political bureau because of a dispute with Lazar Bach, but with Bach's marginalisation, Kotane was reinstated. In 1939 he became CPSA General-Secretary, a post which he held until his death. He was banned in 1950, prosecuted for his participation in the Defiance Campaign in 1952 and was a Treason Trial defendant from 1956 to '58. In 1963 he went into exile. For his biography see Bunting (1975).

  32. John B. Marks (1903-72) joined the CPSA in 1928, studied at the Lenin School in Moscow and became a full-time Party organiser and trade unionist upon his return. He was a member of the Party Politburo from 1930 to 1937 when he was temporarily expelled. In 1946 he was elected to the Party's Johannesburg District Committee and, shortly before its dissolution, to its Central Committee. He helped revive the ANC in the late 1930s, becoming a member of the Transvaal ANC Executive in the early 1940s. He helped form the AMWU in 1941 and was President of CNETU in 1945. In 1946 he was elected to the ANC National Executive. He was banned in 1952, left South Africa in 1963 and in 1969 became Chair of the SACP in exile.

  33. The Bunga - literally council - refers to the United Transkeian Territories General Council, an African mock parliament controlled by white officials.

  34. Gana Makabeni (d. 1955) was a Transkeian-born trade unionist, an ANC activist and a member of its National Executive Committee in the 1940s. He was elected to the CPSA Central Committee in 1926 but expelled in 1932 for supporting S. P. Bunting. Although he worked with Communists, he was concerned to build trade unions that were independent of both white and Communist domination. He was Secretary of the ACWU from 1928 to 1955 and helped found the CNETU in 1942 and became its President, to be replaced by J. B. Marks in 1945. Following the CPSA's banning in 1950, the balance of power shifted and he regained control of the Transvaal CNETU.

  35. A. P. Mda (1916-93) was educated and began his teaching career in Catholic schools. His political career began in the late 1930s as an ANC organiser in Orlando. He was a member of the ANC national executive, one of the founders of the ANC Youth League in 1944, and in 1947 became head of the Youth League. From 1949 he never held political office but he continued to be extremely influential in Africanist circles although he did not support the PAC's break with the ANC. Although socialist in outlook, he believed that Communists in the ANC were weakening African nationalism. In 1963 he went to Basutoland.

  36. Oliver Tambo was born 1917 in Bizana, East Pondoland and received a B.Sc. at Fort Hare in 1941. He was a founder and leader of the ANC Youth League and, with Nelson Mandela, opened the first African law partnership in South Africa. He was banned in 1954 and '59 and went into exile. In the early 1960s he helped establish the short-lived united front of the ANC, SAIC and PAC. From 1967 to '77 he was ANC Acting President and in 1977 became its President-General, retiring due to ill health. His leadership was pragmatic and accomodationist, enabling the ANC to reign in its factions and present a unified face to the international community, unlike the strife-ridden PAC.

  37. Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe (1924-78) was the pre-eminent intellectual and leader of the Pan-Africanist Congress. Sobukwe entered Fort Hare in 1947, where he became a leader of the ANC Youth League and a staunch supporter of the Programme of Action adopted in 1949. After his graduation in 1949, he worked as a teacher. He supported the Defiance Campaign but had minimal interaction with national ANC politics. In 1954 Sobukwe began teaching language at the University of the Witwatersrand and became involved with Africanist politics, editing The Africanist, but maintaining a behind-the-scenes profile. He advocated the Africanist breakaway from the ANC in November 1958 and became President of the PAC at its founding in 1959. Following his participation in the PAC's anti-pass campaign in March 1960, and the Sharpeville-Langa massacres , he was sentenced to three years' imprisonment. His sentence was extended by a special act known as the Sobukwe Clause, and he was released in 1969, subject to house arrest. In late 1975 he opened a law practice. For his biography see Pogrund (1990).

  38. According to a report in The Citizen Annual 1958, the funds collected during the TARC campaign were never accounted for after the campaign's collapse.

  39. Through the inspiration and campaigning of Eastern Cape political leader John Tengo Jabavu and the impetus of James Stewart, principal of the Lovedale Missionary Institute, the South African Native College opened in 1916 on land provided by the United Free Church of Scotland at the site of the Fort Hare military post. To many in the Eastern Cape it was i koliji ka Jabavu, Jabavu's College; it later became known as Fort Hare College. Initially, students studied matriculation subjects; later Unisa degree courses were added. Its students included Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Mugabe and other future African leaders. In 1949 it affiliated with Rhodes University but in 1959 it came under the control of the Department of Bantu Education which redefined it as a university for Xhosa-speaking students only. In the 1960s it was a centre for the black consciousness movement and the site of student agitation in the 1970s and '80s.

  40. This is most likely a reference to Tabata's letter to Nelson Mandela of 16 June 1948 which concerned the organisational question. Tabata argued that the ANC was a backward-looking and unprincipled organisation and thus that there was a contradiction between the parent body and the ANC Youth League which rejected inferior status and supported the boycott of racial structures. See Karis and Carter (1973:362-8).

  41. John Gomas (1901-1979) joined the ANC, ISL and ICU in 1919. By 1923 he was a full-time ICU organiser, and in 1925 he joined the CPSA. His political development shows several turning points. In the 1930s he supported Comintern directives to form a popular front with white labour. By the 1940s he was alienated from the CPSA's increasing orientation to white labour and white parliamentary politics and was increasingly in agreement with Trotskyists, while attacking them for their practical inactivity. In the late 1940s Gomas was removed from the CPSA hierarchy but despite his declining role in the Party, he endorsed its electoral candidates and remained a member until it disbanded in 1950. In the early 1950s he tried to organise united fronts against apartheid in the Cape Peninsula. Gomas came to identify with the views expressed by disillusioned Communist George Padmore in Pan-Africanism or Commu­nism? The coming struggle for Africa, ascribing the failure of black organisations to their attempts to please whites. In 1959 he joined the PAC. For his biography see Musson (1989).

  42. This is probably a reference to the Anti-CAD. According to I. B. Tabata, Goolam Gool, who headed the Anti-CAD, was unable to call a meeting of its Executive because its members felt unable to discuss politics in the repressive atmosphere of the post-1948 apartheid era. The Anti-CAD failed to hold a conference for seven years (interview with Tabata and Jane Gool, Harare, 17 December 1987).

  43. George John Golding (1906-60s) attended Zonnebloem College and became a teacher and principal in Cape Town. He became Chair of the CAC in 1943 and in 1944 founded and became President of the CPNU, a body that superseded the APO and later rivalled the SACPO which became part of the Congress Alliance. In the 1950s he attempted to challenge the government's removal of coloured voters from the common voters' roll. He co-operated-at various times with the opposition UP and with the government.

  44. After the breakdown of the TARC, efforts to build united fronts in the Western Cape led to the formation of the FRAC in 1951.

  45. Kenneth A. Jordaan (d. 1988), a teacher by profession, was a Cape Town-based socialist who worked in the FIOSA in the 1940s, the Forum Club in the 1950s and, with Hassan Bavassah, in the tiny, ephemeral Workers' Democratic League around 1960. Jordaan was highly respected by both Trotskyists and communists for his theoretical writings of the 1940s and' 50s. He went into exile in the early 1960s and was associated for a time with the PAC. He was a contributor to Race and Class but many of his writings remain unpublished. He died in Zimbabwe. Discussion was the organ of the Cape Town Forum Club, a discussion club of the early 1950s which represented the remnants of the FIOSA. In the late 1940s, the Fourth International advised South African Trotskyists in the FIOSA and WPSA to merge. Some of those in the smaller FIOSA, such as Hosea Jaffe and W. P. van Schoor, chose to join the NEUM, where the WPSA worked underground. Those who chose not to, including Jordaan, Arthur Davids, Eric Ernstzen and Zayed Gamiet, formed the Forum Club. On the Workers' Democratic League see Lesson of the March Days, Bulletin no. 1, September 1960, Mr. P. Duncan Papers, folder 8.71, Borthwick Institute University of York.

  46. The Anti-CAD movement published a series of bulletins with frequently acerbic commentary on a variety of political topics in the 1940s and'50s.

  47. Fred Carneson (b. 1920) was from a white working-class family. During World War Two he fought in North Africa. He was Secretary of the CPSA Cape Town District Committee from 1945 to 1947 and joined the Central Committee in 1947. In 1949 he was elected to represent Africans in the Cape Provincial Council but was expelled because of his Party affiliation in 1952. He was a Treason Trial defendant and was jailed for over five years in the 1960s on the charge of organising for the underground SACP. After his release in 1972 he went into exile for a number of years.

  48. The FRAC was formed in 1951 as an ad hoc alliance to contest the Separate Representation of Voters Bill, whose purpose was to whittle away the remnants of the coloured franchise. The Bill was placed before Parliament in March 1951. FRAC organised a political strike in Cape Town on 11 March 1951, with 15 000 marching through the city, and a similar event in Port Elizabeth on 7 May. The FRAC alliance did not include the NEUM, and the Anti-CAD opposed these events. For its viewpoint see National Anti-CAD Statement on the Proposed "Political Strike" on 7th May, 1951,19 April 1951. This criticised the Franchise Action Council — said to comprise the Coloured People's National Convention and the former Franchise Action Committee - for its decision to call a political strike to defeat the Separate Representation of Voters' Bill and to defend the Non-European franchise. The Anti-CAD argued firstly, that the proposed strike was not a proper strike because it exempted certain "essential" workers in advance, thus dividing the workers; secondly, that the black people were not prepared for a strike because they were not organised in trade unions; and thirdly, that the people calling the strike were themselves supporting or working discriminatory institutions such as the CAC, which was a forerunner of ii» Separate Representation of Voters' Bill. The Bill was passed into law in June.

  49. Sam Kahn, a lawyer by profession, joined the CPSA in 1930 and became a member of its Central Executive in 1938. He organised several trade unions, was active in the NLL, served on the Cape Town City Council from 1943 to 1952 and from 1949 to 1952 represented Africans of the Cape Western district in Parliament before his expulsion for being a-Communist. He was banned in the mid-1950s and left South Africa in 1960.

  50. The Torch was a newspaper of the NEUM edited by B. M. Kies. It was published in Cape Town from 1946 until 1962 and produced a Northern edition.

  51. Edgar L. Maurice, the first Principal of the Harold Cressy High School established in 1950 in District Six, was for many years a leading figure on the TLSA Executive.

  52. The Native Education (Eiselen) Commission of 1949 was chaired by Werner W. M. Eiselen, Professor of Bantu Studies at the University of Stellenbosch, who was Secretary of Native Affairs from 1949. It recommended separate education and mother-tongue instruction for Africans. These recommendations were implemented with the Bantu Education Act of 1953. The recommendations reflected the doctrine of Christian National Education, which was derived from Calvinist ideas and linked with the development of Afrikaner nationalism. The goal of Christian National Education was to prepare children to occupy their respective social positions in segregated society. It evolved in the 1870s in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State when the Dutch language and religion were reinstated in schools. After the Anglo-Boer War Christian National Education schools were established to oppose Lord Milner's policy of Anglicisation. It later became official NP policy.

  53. Jan van Riebeeck (1619-77), a representative of the Dutch East-India Company, landed at the 6 April 1652 and founded the first white settlement. He was Commander of the Cape from 1652 to ’62. He imported slaves and fought the first war against Khoi pastoralists from 1659 to '60. In the early 1950s the planned countrywide Tercentenary Van Riebeeck Festival generated much political activity amongst black South Africans to promote a boycott of the celebrations, especially in the Cape Peninsula. K. A. Jordaan lectured a branch meeting of a teachers' union on Van Riebeeck's historical significance in early 1950, and in late 1951 he addressed a symposium sponsored by the Modem Youth Society on the subject. See Jordaan (1952). The NEUM successfully planned and promoted a boycott of the celebrations. Phyllis Ntantala (1992:149-52) recounts the work of the CATA, TLSA, SOYA and Anti-CAD in holding numerous local meetings on the need for a boycott, using the slogan "We Have Nothing to Celebrate". The NEUM's "Boycott the Van Riebeeck Celebrations" rally took place at the Grand Parade, Cape Town on 4 April. At the climax of the celebrations, 6 April 1952, the Transvaal ANC and TIC called for a "People's Protest Day", arguing that "This Van Riebeeck celebration cannot be a time for rejoicing for the Non-Europeans" (Karis and Carter 1973:482-3).

  54. This refers to the TLSA and the CATA. The union of the TLSA and CATA mentioned in the Discussion presumably refers to the Cape Teachers' Federal Council, founded by W. P. van Schoor of the TLSA and Leo Sihlali of CATA.

  55. The Women's International Democratic Federation was a left-wing organisation aligned with the international Communist movement, with which FEDSAW was in contact but not formally affiliated.

  56. FEDSAW was formed in 1954 by women leaders from the Congress movement, including Ray Alexander, Marcelle Goldberg, Helen Joseph, Florence Mkhize, Lillian Ngoyi, with a goal of uniting women across sectional lines. In 1955 and '56 the ANC Women's League and FEDSAW led several mass demonstrations against the extension of passes to African women (Karis and Carter 1973: 403-5). FEDSAW's history in the 1950s and '60s illustrates both the problems of subordination to a male-deter­mined agenda and of political sectarianism. FEDSAW's decision to structure itself as a federated body aligned with the Congress movement rather than as an organisation based on individual membership cut it off from women who were outside that political tradition. Although Ray Alexander, for one, had favoured individual membership, after she was banned FEDSAW's national executive moved to the Rand, where the ANC and the Transvaal ANC Women's League were able to ensure a federal structure. Within the Congress movement, FEDSAW had second-class status, being refused official representation on the Congress Alliance.

  57. Ray Alexander (b. 1913) immigrated to South Africa from Latvia in 1929, joined the CPSA and became a trade-union activist, noted particularly for her work in the FCWU. From 1938 to '50 she was on the CPSA's Political Bureau. In 1954 she was banned from labour activities. That year she was elected to represent Africans in the Western Cape in Parliament, following Sam Kahn and Brian Bunting, but was prevented from taking the seat. In 1965 she and her husband, H. J. Simons, went into exile for many years. They co-authored the seminal study, Class and Colour in South Africa, 1850-1950. Ida Fiye Mntwana (1903-60) was women's leader and ANC activist. She joined the ICU in 1927, was the first President of the Transvaal ANC Women's League, was elected to the Transvaal ANC Executive in 1953 and became National President of FEDSAW in 1954. She was a leader in the women's anti-pass demonstrations in the 1950s. She was an organiser for the Congress of the People and a Treason Trial defendant from 1956 to '57.

  58. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 implemented the recommendations of the Native Education (Eiselen) Commission of 1949. The Act removed African education from the Christian missions and placed it under the Department of Native (Bantu) Affairs. It specified that African students should study a special syllabus to prepare them for their inferior social position. In the words of Hendrik F. Verwoerd, Minister of Native Affairs from 1950 and later Prime Minister: "There is no place for [the Native] in the European community above the level of certain forms of labour.... for that reason it is of no avail for him to receive a training which has as its main aim absorption in the European community". For a NEUM analysis, see Tabata's (1980) Education for Barbarism: Bantu (apartheid) education in South Africa, originally published in 1959. Ntantala (1992: 153-63) discusses NEUM/ANC/COD tensions in the struggle against Bantu Education, from a perspective sympathetic to the NEUM. The .COD produced, a pamphlet called Educating for Ignorance.

  59. This refers to a popular anti-colonial uprising in Kenya, called "Mau Mau" by the British colonial authorities, which led to the imposition of a State of Emergency in the early 1950s.

  60. Following the Defiance Campaign, the ANC faced criticisms for its lack of ideological clarity, both from the ANC Youth League and from the NEUM, which had its own Ten-Point Programme, and in August 1953 Professor Z. K. Matthews called for "... a Freedom Charter for the Democratic South Africa of the Future". The drafting of the Charter was conceived as a three-stage process attracting "Freedom Volunteers" throughout the country and linking up with the ANC's Western Areas and Bantu Education campaigns. Provincial committees were to establish local committees to elect delegates to draft the Charter, however the local committees were largely stillborn. Initially, neither the COD nor SAIC were enthusiastic about the call for a Freedom Charter. However, as the campaign went on, Africanists criticised the high-profile role of COD whites. The seemingly disproportionate influence of COD whites, coupled with the Charter's multinational conception of the South African nation, which to Africanists denied the African majority their rightful possession of the land, exacerbated tensions between them and the rest of the ANC. The Charter's adoption at the Congress of the People in June 1955, before its acceptance by the ANC, intensified tensions in the ANC: Once the Congress of the People began to publicise the Charter, it became difficult for the ANC to amend it, despite pressure to do so. For instance, in October 1955 the Natal ANC Provincial Council passed a number of resolutions which they hoped to incorporate in the Charter, and which foreshadowed criticism by Africanists and others. The Natal amendments called for careful review before the ANC's endorsement, arguing, among other things, that its National clause emphasised racial distinctions rather than nation building. Yet, when the ANC finally ratified the Charter in 1956, despite reservations by both Africanists and Natal delegates, the Natal amendments were not incorporated.

  61. Liberation was a journal of the Congress Alliance. Albert John Luthuli (c. 1898-1967) was a Zulu chief and teacher who studied at and later became head of Adams College high school and was President-General of the ANC from 1952 to '67. He was subjected to a series of banning orders in the 1950s. In 1960 he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his committed leadership of non-violent struggle against apartheid. His autobiography is entitled Let My People Go. He died under mysterious circumstances.

  62. Bantu National Congress was formed by S. S. Bhengu in early 1952. It was pro-apartheid and financed by Afrikaner nationalists and failed to gain any popular following, except among certain chiefs. In April 1954 Bhengu was convicted of theft and fraud and sentenced to prison. The National-Minded Bloc was led by R. V. Selope Thema and was concerned that whites and Indians were exerting undue influence on the ANC.

  63. Xuma’s letter was published as "Dr Xuma's Letter Congress Would not Read", The World (Johannesburg), Saturday, 28 January 1956. See Karis and Carter (1977: 242-5).

  64. This refers to the followers of S. S. Bhengu, founder of the pro-apartheid Bantu National Congress.

  65. Jordan K. Ngubane, a politician and journalist, was educated at Adams College, became assistant editor of Ilanga lase Natal, worked on the Bantu World and in 1944 became editor of Inkundla ya Bantu. He found the ANC Youth League in the early 1940s and, using his newspaper, assisted Albert Luthuli's rise to prominence. Ngubane was deeply critical of Communist influence in the ANC and moved to the Liberal Party in the 1950s, becoming its National Vice-Chair. He later became sympathetic to the PAC. He was banned in 1963 and went into exile. He later joined Inkatha. He is the author of several books, including An African Explains Apartheid.

  66. Documents 25, 26 and 27 reflect Johnny Gomas' increasing disillusionment about the possibility of working with whites on an equal basis, a view that led him to join the PAC in 1959.

  67. Edward R. Roux (1903-66), a botanist by profession, was one of the first South African-born white Communists. He helped establish the YCL as a student and, with Willie Kalk, pushed it to recruit blacks. He joined the CPSA in 1923 and was profoundly influenced by S. P. Bunting. He was elected Vice-Chair in December 1924. Along with Bunting, he fought for greater interaction with black workers. He attended h Comintern Congress in 1928 and became a supporter of the Native Republic thesis despite initial opposition. In the 1930s, increasingly critical of Comintern intervention, he was marginalised he Party and left in 1936. In 1944 he wrote a biography of Bunting, and in 1948, Time Longer than Rope, the first major and still indispensable study of the liberation struggle. He pioneered Easy English, a technique for teaching English as a second language. From 1957 to 1963 he was a member of Liberal Party, and he was banned in 1964. For his autobiography see Roux (1972).

  68. This refers to E. S. "Solly" Sachs (1901-76), born in Lithuania and described by his brother, Bernard Sachs (1959: 44-59), as a "Talmudist and rebel", a political pragmatist who was “the perfect apparatus man” and an admirer of Stalin's political realism. Solly Sachs was expelled from the CPSA in September 1931. His life's work was the predominantly Afrikaner and female Garment Workers' Union, to which he was elected Secretary in November 1928, and which was the subject of his book, Rebels' Daughters (1957). Sachs believed in the progressive potential of white workers. Disillusioned with the SALP, he launched the ILP in 1943, which proved an immediate non-starter, but in the 1950s he still hoped to build a strong Labour Party. He was forced to resign from the GWU in 1952 under the Suppression of Communism Act and later went into exile in Britain.

  69. Patrick Duncan (1918-67) was the son of Sir Patrick Duncan, former Governor-General of South Africa. Through the course of his life, he became increasingly radicalised. From 1941 to '52 he was in the British service in Basutoland, where he became fluent in Sesotho. He resigned his post in 1952 to participate in the Defiance Campaign. Passionately anti-Communist, he joined the Liberal Party in 1955, became its National Organiser and edited Contact. He resigned from the Liberal Party in 1963 in opposition to its non-violent stance and joined the PAC, which he represented in exile. His papers are in the Southern African Archives, Borthwick Institute, University of York.

  70. New Age was a newspaper aligned with the Congress Alliance and run by a collective of Communists, including Lionel Forman, Brian Bunting, Sonia Bunting, Fred Carneson and Alex La Guma in Cape Town, Govan Mbeki in the Eastern Cape, M. P. Naicker in Durban and Ruth First, Michael Harmel and Ivan Schermbrucker in Johannesburg. Forman and Odendaal (1992: xxiii) write:"... these few individuals largely shaped the policy of the paper. Their world view and politics to a large extent became those of the liberation movement."

  71. In 1956 the Industrial Conciliation Amendment Act required "mixed" unions - those with white and coloured or Indian members - to split into racially divided unions or form separate racial branches controlled by white executives, and it ended future recognition of such "mixed" unions. The Act authorised the government to declare strikes in essential industries illegal and facilitated job reservation for whites.

  72. Brian Bunting (b. 1920) - a Communist, journalist and author and the son of S. P. Bunting. He worked on the Rand Daily Mail, Sunday Times and after World War Two edited a number of newspapers, including The Guardian and its successors, Advance, Clarion, Peoples' World and New Age. In 1946 he was elected to the CPSA' s Johannesburg District Committee, and he later became a member of the CPSA Central Committee. From 1952 to '53 he was a Natives' Representative in the House of Assembly but was expelled because of his CPSA membership. He was banned and detained, and in 1963 went into exile, where he was an editor of The African Communist.

  73. The Multi-Racial Conference was held at the University of the Witwatersrand, 3 to 5 December 1957. The idea came from the Conference of the Interdenominational African Ministers' Federation, which was held in October 1956 to consider the Tomlinson Report. At the time, most of the ANC leadership was involved in the Treason Trial, and neither the ANC nor the SACP wanted to convene the conference on their own initiative. Alan Paton played a key role in organising the conference. Attendance was diverse and included representatives from IDAMF, SAIRR, ANC, the Black Sash, SAIC, SALP and individuals such as the flamboyant Alexandra Africanist Josias Madzunya, Vic Goldberg, who represented the COD, and Baruch Hirson. The NEUM and its affiliates did not attend. The conference called for the creation of a common society, for universal adult suffrage on a common voters' roll (despite different views on how to achieve that goal) and for a constitutional Bill of Rights. The Communist M. D. Naidoo' s call to carry the struggle to the masses was withdrawn in favour of Archbishop Hurley's more moderate proposal for a continuing body to carry out the conference resolutions.

  74. The 1950s saw the formation and development of a number of women's organisations and movements. The Black Sash was formed in 1955 as the Women's Defence of the Constitution League but it became known for the sashes worn by its members to symbolise their mourning for attacks on the constitution. Although membership was open to all women residents of South Africa, in practice it was a white organisation. The Mothers' Union was an organisation linked to the Anglican Church and concerned to uphold traditional values of motherhood and family. Its members' participation in the struggles against the extension of passes to African women is detailed in Hooper (1989).

  75. Mao Zedong (Mao Tse-Tung) (1893-1976) was the leader of the Chinese Communist Party from 1935 and developed a political strategy influenced heavily by the specific circumstances of Chinese society, particularly the place of the peasantry. From 1949 he was the leader of the People's Republic of China. He identified increasingly with a socialist strategy distinct from that of the Soviet Union, culminating in the Sino-Soviet rift of 1960.

  76. The Atlantic Charter was drawn up by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and U. S. President P. D. Roosevelt in August 1941. The Charter’s emphasis on human rights was seized upon by Black South African activists. They argued that South Africa, as a wartime ally of the anti-fascist Allies, had a moral obligation to apply the Charter to its own affairs. At its annual conference in December 1943, the ANC adopted a charter of rights entitled Africans' Claims in South Africa (Karis and Carter 1973: 209-23), which was modelled on the Atlantic Charter. The demands included the abolition of racial discrimination, an equal franchise, no restrictions on movement and residence, and a range of egalitarian economic and social reforms. The agenda subsequently made an impact at the UN and at congresses of the Pan-Africanist movement. The UN Charter was drafted during the war and the UN formally established in October 1945. In December 1948 the UN General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which entailed a pledge by UN member states to guarantee both civil and social rights.

  77. The Citizen, published in the late 1950s, represented the views of a number of Cape Town-based individuals disillusioned both with the NEUM and with the Congress Alliance. Many of the group later joined the Liberal Party.

  78. Analysis was an ephemeral publication of the Socialist League of Africa.

  79. Wycliffe Mlungisi Tsotsi was born in Transkei and educated at Fort Hare. He was principal of Freemantle School for Boys and later became a lawyer. He was a member of the Transkei Teachers' Association until its merger with the CATA, and he helped to politicise CATA and pushed for its affiliation to the AAC. He was a leading figure in the AAC and its President from 1948 to '59, coming under increasing attack from its left-wing. In the 1960s he moved to Basutoland and then to Zambia, where he worked as a lawyer for the Zambian government. Ikwezi Lomso (Morning Star), edited by Livingstone Mqotsi in the late 1950s, details the activities of the AAC and the TOB in Transkei. It discusses the tensions and split in the AAC and other NEUM affiliates from the point of view of the AAC leadership.

  80. In 1954 the government-appointed Tomlinson Commission outlined a programme for the rehabilitation of the African reserves premised on the assumption that South Africa would never become a unified society. Although its proposals for extensive investment to stabilise the reserves were not follow through by the government, its Report served as the basis for the policy of separate development adopted by the government of H. F. Verwoerd.

  81. R. Mettler was a pseudonym of Baruch Hirson. Hirson, a physicist by profession who taught at the University of the Witwatersrand, was a Johannesburg-based socialist who entered politics through the Hashomer Hatzair, a Jewish youth group, worked in the Trotskyist WIL in the 1940s, and in the 1950s, with the PF, a NEUM affiliate. He broke with the NEUM over the issue of how to fight the extension of apartheid to universities. He later worked in the COD and in the tiny Socialist League of Africa, which criticised the COD from the left. In the early 1960s he became involved with the NCL/ARM, was imprisoned for nine years and upon release went into exile in England, becoming a historian. For his autobiography see Hirson (1995). It is time to awake was a critique of Tabata's The All-African Convention: The awakening of a people, which Hirson himself had published in 1950 under the name of “People Press”. A copy of It is time to awake is at the Borthwick Institute, University of York, and in the Karis-Carter microfilm collection. For another Trotskyist perspective of Tabata's book see Arthur Davids, "A Critical Analysis of I. B. Tabata's Book— The All-African Convention", Cape Town: Forum Club, reprint. Discussion, 1, 2 [c. December 1950].

  82. Kwame Nkrumah (1909-71) was a Ghanaian politician and proponent of Pan-African unity. He was educated in the U.S. and Britain and in 1945, co-chaired the Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester. On retuning to the Gold Coast, he became Secretary-General of the United Gold Coast Convention but subsequently formed the Convention People's Party. He was Prime Minister from 1952 to '57, when Ghana became independent, and he continued in that post until 1960, when Ghana became a republic and he became President. His domestic policies became increasingly repressive, and he was later deposed by military coup and exiled.

  83. SOYA’s formation in 1951, largely at the direction of I. B. Tabata, was a response to the increasing numbers of African workers in towns and mounting pressure from NEUM youth for more township activity. It was also an attempt to counter the growing influence of the ANC amongst students and urban youth. To compete he ANC Youth League, SOYA began as an African-only youth grouping geared especially to the political education of working-class Africans. Its membership became non-racial in the mid-1950s, including coloureds and Indians, yet many members maintained an Africanist orientation. It had branches in the Transvaal, Western and Eastern Cape and Natal, and at Fort Hare, virtually all those connected with it were blacklisted in 1954. The formation of and opposition to SOYA within the NEUM reflected mounting tensions and rivalry, indicated by SOYA's affiliation to the AAC, rather than directly to the NEUM. Hosea Jaffe, who played a central role in the Cape Peninsula educational fellowships, vigorously opposed SOYA’s formation. This pamphlet represents the views of the Wits SOYA. Possibly because of geographic proximity to those officials who lived around Johannesburg, the Wits SOYA was particularly subject to pressure and criticism by the AAC leadership and, due to its more explicitly socialist line, it was expelled in the late 1950s, in contrast to the Cape Town SOYA which followed Tabata.

  84. The New Era Fellowship was a radical discussion and debating society which was formed by Goolam Gool in 1937 and which ran until the late 1960s. It met at the Stakesby Lewis Hostel and in the Fidelity Hall on the edge of District Six in Cape Town. W. P. van Schoor addressed its first meeting with a lecture on “Imperialism”. It provided a forum for black students at UCT who were isolated from the university's all-white intellectual life. Its speakers included UCT lecturers, such as Lancelot Hogben and Frederick Bodmer, as well as foreign visitors, and it attracted political activists and people outside the university. It initiated the campaign against the CAC, launching the Anti-CAD on 28 February 1943. The views of its leading members are found in Trek, published in Cape Town. The NEF's success led to the formation of a network of fellowships throughout the Cape Peninsula, a venture in which Hosea Jaffe was centrally involved. Fellowships were set up in the Cape Flats, South Peninsula, Southern suburbs, Northern areas, Langa and Paarl and eventually in Port Elizabeth and Kimberley. Their audience was often mainly coloured and middle-class.

  85. A. C. Jordan (1906-68), a leading African literary writer and intellectual, was born in Transkei and educated at St John's College, Lovedale and Fort Hare. In 1956 he received a Ph.D. from UCT, where he lectured in African languages. He was a prominent member of the AAC and NEUM but was ostracised over disagreements about how to fight the extension of apartheid to universities. He was married to Phyllis Ntantala. In the early 1960s he and his family went into exile. From 1964 he was a professor of African Studies at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.

  86. Leo Linda Sihlali (1915-89) studied at Lovedale Missionary Institution and Fort Hare and later received a B.A. from Unisa. A teacher by profession, he was a leading figure in the CATA, AAC and NEUM. In the 1940s he was involved in the struggle against Rehabilitation in Transkei, and he successfully pushed for CATA's affiliation to the AAC. From 1951 to '53 he was President of CATA and from 1953 to '55, editor of its organ, The Teacher's Vision. In 1951, along with W. P. van Schoor, he formed the Cape Teachers' Federal Council, an umbrella organisation linking CATA and TLSA, and became its first President. In 1955 he and the entire CATA Executive were dismissed from their teaching positions because of their opposition to Bantu Education; Sihlali subsequently worked as a shop assistant. CATA successfully sued the government for wrongful dismissal using Sihlali's appeal as a test case. In 1956 he became General-Secretary of the AAC and in 1960 was a founding member of the APDUSA. In the 1960s he was banned, house-arrested and imprisoned for three years on Robben Island. He spent his last years in Mount Frere, and in the 1980s supported the New Unity Movement.

  87. Sefton Vutela, Secretary of the Wits SOYA, was expelled from Fort Hare in the late 1950s for leading student protests. He moved to the Johannesburg area where he and several other CATA members tried to push the SOYA and the NEUM to engage with mass politics, through their leadership of residents' associations and of protests against advisory boards. At the time, Vutela and his circle were committed to Tabata and thought that in pushing for the NEUM's involvement in mass politics they were implementing his ideas. Thus, they did not align themselves with left critics of the NEUM, such as Baruch Hirson, on the one hand, and Austin Lepolesa, Ismail Mohamed and Roseinnes Phahle, on the other. However, other supporters of Tabata, who included Jennifer Davis, Andrew Lukele, Dr Saloojee and Edna Wilcox, Victor Sondio and Norman Traub, on the grounds that they were winning the “heads” —i.e. the leading positions - but not the “bodies” of popular organisations. Both the Vutela circle and the Lepolesa circle were later expelled from the SOYA and the AAC. Lepolesa subsequently joined the ANC Youth League.