Africa’s Radical Tradition: A documentary history, Volume two 1943 – 1964.
Edited by Alison Drew.
the national movement
alliances and unity
Snitcher was an advocate and Chair of the Cape Town District Committee
of the CPSA. In 1938 he ran
for Parliament on a Socialist Party platform. He was one of the
eight members of the CPSA Central Executive charged with sedition
following the 1946 African Mineworkers'
Francois Malan (1874-1959), politician and theologian,
became an M.P. for the NP in
1918, joined Pact Government in 1924, and after the
election of the Fusion Government in 1934 led the opposition
Purified National Party. Following the 1948
electoral victory of a reunited NP, Malan became
Prime Minister. Oswald Pirow (1890-1959) was a lawyer and
politician who became Minister of Justice in 1929. The next
year he helped pass the Riotous Assemblies Amendment Act
through Parliament. A supporter of Adolf Hitler, Pirow opposed
South Africa's entry into World War Two and founded a New
Order to an Afrikaner socialist state in South Africa. He
withdrew from politics after failing to promote unity of
the far right. Eric Louw,
an advocate of the removal of blacks from the common voters'
roll, became Minister of Economic Affairs and, later, of
Foreign Affairs during the apartheid era. J. F. J. van Rensburg
was a leader of the Ossewabrandwag (Oxwaggon Sentinels),
formed in 1939. Under Van Rensburg's leadership, this became
a national socialist paramilitary organisation during World
War Two, engaging in anti-war sabotage. By 1943 the Ossewabrandwag was
finished, as the NP became the dominant voice of Afrikaner
H. Ahmed was the pseudonym of Halima Gool (d. 1993), active in
Cape Town radical politics in the 1930s and '40s and married
to Goolam Gool. She was Secretary of the NLL and the Anti-CAD,
was a speaker at the Non-European Women's Suffrage League in
August 1938, and organised a Laundry Workers Union which she
represented at the 1939 NEUF conference. Her notebooks contain
one lecture on "The Evolution of Society: the Epoch of Barbarism",
and another on the "History of Women", which examines
the basis of matriarchy in the ancient world through a consideration
of the writings of Engels, Darwin, Briffault and Lafargue. In
1941 she addressed the Durban-based Liberal Study Group, attended
by NIC radicals, on the status
of women; the following year the group formed a Women's Class,
possibly inspired by Gool's talk.
Goolam H. Gool (1905-62) was a British-trained physician who joined
the Lenin Club in the early 1930s and initially supported the minority
CLSA faction but later moved to the WPSA. He formed the NEF in
1937 and was briefly President of the NLL. He was a founding member
and on the Executive of the AAC and the Anti-CAD and Vice-Chair
of the NEUM but became profoundly disillusioned with NEUM politics
in the l950s. He was married to Halima Gool.
M. Kies (1917-79) was a prominent Cape Town-based intellectual,
active in the NEF and a leader in the TLSA, Anti-CAD movement and
NEUM. Kies had a profound influence on several generations of political
activists in the Western Cape, which reached a cult status despite
verbal opposition to personality cults. In 1937 he was one of a
younger generation of radicals who ousted the old-guard APO-supporting
leadership of the TLSA, moving the organisation in a more radical
direction. For many years a teacher at Trafalgar High School, in
1956 he was banned from teaching because of his political views
and subsequently became an advocate. He edited the TLSA organ, The
Educational Journal, as well as The Torch. His ideas
on the origins of segregation and his thesis of "teachers
as a vanguard" who could disseminate political ideas amongst
the oppressed were extremely influential within NEUM circles. He
presented the second A. J. Abrahamse Memorial Lecture, a triennial
lecture delivered under the auspices of the TLSA, on 29 September
1953. His lecture, entitled The Contribution of the Non-European
Peoples to World Civilisation, was published as a pamphlet.
In the late 1950s he and Hosea Jaffe led an Anti-CAD faction within
the NEUM which argued that many AAC leaders were moving towards
bourgeois African nationalism. Although often associated in the
public eye with Trotskyism, used as a pejorative label, Kies, like
I. B. Tabata, put forward a left political alternative to Communist-Party
orthodoxy and to black nationalism. Kies and his comrades created
a critical intellectual climate around Cape Town that existed nowhere
else in South Africa and has not existed since. However, their
conception of politics excluded popular agitation and their scepticism
about mass action eventually led to their political marginalisation.
German for "master race". The term carried connotations
of Nazi Germany and could therefore be used to characterise the
politics of the South African regime. This term was frequently
used in NEUM discourse, along with the expression "quisling".
Widkun Quisling was a Norwegian politician who collaborated with
the German occupation forces during World War Two. The term was
subsequently used to identify any collaborator with an alien and
illegitimate regime. The NEUM's use of these terms arguably deflected
from an explicit focus on class analysis and reinforced nationalist
Tengo Jabavu (1859-1921) was a teacher and editor
of the influential Xhosa Eastern Cape weekly, Imvo Zabantsundu (Black
Opinion), which expressed the aspirations of the emergent
black petty bourgeoisie. Abdullah
Abdurahman (1872-1940), a doctor who received
his medical degree from Glasgow University in 1893, was President
of the APO from 1905 to 1940. For many years he was a member
of the Cape Town City Council. He was opposed in later years
by a more militant younger generation of political activists,
which included his daughter Cissie
Gool. Francis Herman Gow (b. 1890), an educator
and religious leader in the African Methodist Episcopal Church,
served on the CAC. Pixley ka Izaka
Seme (1881-1951), a lawyer by profession, was
a principal founder of the ANC and
a proponent of the notion of black economic self-help. He
proposed the idea of upper and lower houses to represent
chiefs and commoners in the ANC, based on the British bicameral
system. Under his Presidency from 1930 to 1937, the ANC became
increasingly conservative and inactive as he promoted the
interests of the aspirant African commercial class and sought
closer ties with chiefs. Abdulla Ismail Kajee (1898-1947)
was a moderate Moslem businessman who led the NIC from
the mid-1930s until 1945, when a more militant group led
by G.M. Naicker sidelined
him. John Langalibelele Dube (1871-1946)
was first President-General of the ANC until 1917 and remained
President of the Natal ANC until 1945. He launched the Ilanga
lase Natal (Natal Sun), Natal's first African paper,
in 1903. Like Seme, he was an advocate of black self-help,
yet their political relationship was marked by personal rivalry.
Dube successfully fought the challenges of younger and more
radical leaders in Natal, such as A.
W. G. Champion and J.
SALP was formed in 1910 under the leadership of Colonel F. H.
P. Cresswell on a white labour protectionist platform. It peaked
in popularity around 1920 and thereafter declined. In 1924 it
formed the Pact Government with the NP, and it split in 1928.
From 1943 to 1958 it formed electoral pacts with the UP, and
it finally ceased in 1958, when it lost all its Parliamentary
1919 Clements Kadalie founded
the ICU as a trade union
of dockworkers in Cape Town, and that year it successfully fought
its first strike. In the 1920s it became less concerned with
urban trade-union work and to organising in the rural areas.
Its members included both Africans and coloureds.
late 1920s the ICU was weakened by state repression and by the
personal rivalries and financial corruption of its leadership. William
G. Ballinger (1894-1974) came to South Africa in 1928
as an advisor to the ICU but was unable to prevent its disintegration
into hostile factions. In 1930-31 he represented the ICU at the
Non-European Conferences. He was a member of the Joint Council
movement, and from 1960 he was a Natives' Representative in Senate
for the Transvaal and Orange
Free State. He helped found the Liberal Party but later lost
sympathy with it. He was married to Margaret
the 1930s the government restricted Indian occupancy of land in
the Transvaal, and in 1943
the Pegging Act prohibited the transfer of property between whites
and Indians in Durban for three years, closing off the main avenue
of investment still available to Indians in Natal and the Transvaal.
In 1946 the Pegging Act extended
throughout Natal and the Transvaal by the Asiatic Land Tenure and
Indian Representation Bill, known as the Ghetto Act. This prohibited,
with few exceptions, the further sale of property within Natal
to Indians and introduced the notion of Indian communal political
R. Koza (d. 1964) was a leading trade unionist in the 1930s and
'40s. He worked with Max Gordon in the ACDWU and became its Secretary
after Gordon's internment until his resignation in 1948. He was
a member of the PTU in CNETU.
He was involved with the AAC, attending its 1943, '44 and '48
conferences, and he was a founder of the ADP. At the AAC's December
1944 conference he represented the FIOSA and argued for the full
recognition of African trade unions, including the right to strike.
This became PTU policy. In the 1950s he was involved with the
Johannesburg PF but grew more distant from AAC and NEUM and went
to England to study. Isaac B. Tabata (1909-90), and author and
pre-eminent figure in the NEUM, was born near Queenstown in the
Cape and educated at Lovedale and Fort Hare. In 1931 he left
University and moved to Cape Town, where he worked as a truck
joined the Lorry Drivers' Union and became a member of its executive.
He also joined the Cape African Voters' Association. In 1933
he began attending meetings of the Lenin Club with Goolam Gool
and joined the WPSA. In the early 1940s he was one of a group
of radicals who took over the leadership of the AAC, arguing
for a boycott of all racial structures proposed by the government,
and he was a founder of the NEUM. As an organiser for the AAC
he made yearly trips to Transkei in
the late 1940s and early ‘50s. He was banned in 1956. In 1961
he established and became president of APDUSA. Tabata was married
to Jane Gool, sister of Goolam Gool, and an activist in the Anti-CAD,
AAC and NEUM. They left South Africa in 1963 and lived in Tanzania,
Zambia and Zimbabwe.
the draft declaration was prepared, it was expected that the SAIC would
be attending the Unity Conference, along with the AAC and Anti-CAD.
Thus the original draft, reprinted in Karis and
Carter (1973 352-7), begins: "These three organisations...”
Mrs. Zainunnissa "Cissie" Gool (1900-63)
was the charismatic daughter of Abdullah
Abdurahman, sister-in-law of Goolam Gool and a prominent
Cape Town political leader. In the early 1930s she unsuccessfully
challenged her father's leadership of the staid APO; then, with James
La Guma and John Gomas founded the NLL in December 1935,
serving as its first President. She was a founder and first president
of the NEUF, a member of the short-lived SASP and served on the CPSA's
Political Bureau. From 1938 to the 1950s she represented District
Six on the Cape Town City Council and for many years was the only
woman on the Council. She was restricted under the Suppression
of Communism Act. See Everett (1978).
in 1902, the African Political Organisation - later renamed African
People's Organisation sought to extend the legal and political
rights held by coloureds in the Cape Colony to those in the northern
colonies. Led by Dr Abdullah Abdurahman, who was president from
1905 until his death in 1940, the APO was a significant political
force until the mid-1920s, at its peak counting 20 000 members
in 111 branches throughout southern Africa. It made overtures towards
co-operation with Africans in the ANC. Later it became more of
a mutual-benefit, burial and building society, and an object of
scorn to the generation of coloured radicals entering politics
in the 1930s.
Janub" Jane" Gool
(1902-96) graduated from Fort Hare and became a teacher in Cape
Town's District Six. In 1935 she, her brother Goolam Gool, and
I. B. Tabata attended the inaugural meeting of the AAC, and from
that time she became "part and parcel of African politics".
She joined the Cape Town WPSA in the 1930s, founding member of
the Anti-CAD, a leading activist in the AAC and NEUM and co-founder
of APDUSA; she frequently spoke on international events. She was
married to I. B. Tabata. Banned in 1961, two years later she and
Tabata went into exile and lived in Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
In exile she represented the UMSA. She authored the pamphlet The
Crimes of Bantu Education.
Mohammed Dadoo (1909-83) trained as a medical
doctor in Britain, where he joined the ILP in Edinburgh and
became involved in Indian anti-colonial agitation. On his
return to South Africa, he became an activist in the TIC.
His politics were influenced by Gandhi'
s notion of satyagraha and
by an advocacy of Non-European unity, and he was a founder
of the NEUF in 1938. The next year he joined the CPSA. He
was jailed in early 1941 for leading anti-war protests but,
following the CPSA, reversed his position on the war once
Germany invaded the Soviet Union. He became President of
the TIC in 1945, moving it away from the politics of the
Indian merchant class and giving it a more confrontationist
style. He and other Communists were charged and tried for
allegedly organising the 1946 African mineworkers' strike.
In 1947 Dadoo, Dr A. B. Xuma and
Dr G. M. Naicker signed the "Doctor's Pact" with
the aim of promoting joint African-Indian action. This paved
the way for the Defiance Campaign;
Dadoo and Yusuf Cachalia represented the SAIC on
the Campaign's Joint Planning Council. Dadoo was President
of the SAIC in the early 1950s, and when the SACP was
reconstituted as an underground organisation in 1953, he
was on the Party's Central Committee. He was banned during
the Defiance Campaign and left South Africa in 1960. In 1972
he became Chair of the SACP.
Workers’ Voice was
published by the Trotskyist CLSA 1935-6. In the 1940s the CLSA's
successor, FIOSA, published both a newspaper and a theoretical
organ by that name.
Percival Wavell, 1st Earl (1883-1950), was a professional soldier
who attained the rank of Field Marshall.
In June 1943 he was appointed Viceroy of India and was involved
in continuing political negotiations about its future constitutional
status. He released the Indian Congress leaders from prison in
the summer of 1945. Earl Mountbatten replaced him as Viceroy
in February 1947.
Trotsky (1879-1940) was a Russian revolutionary and a leader of
the October 1917 revolution. He founded the Red Army during
the Russian Civil War. After Lenin's death in 1924 he was ousted
from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and exiled by Stalin.
He was assassinated in Mexico by an agent of Stalin. The reference
is to Trotsky's 1935 letter to the South African comrades, written
in response to the draft theses of the Lenin Club's majority tendency,
which became the WPSA. It was published in Workers' Voice: Theoretical
Supplement, November 1944, and is reprinted in South Africa's
Radical Tradition, Volume One.
French Communist Party participated in the post-war French government.
They had acquired legitimacy on account of their involvement
in the resistance movement, but with the intensification of the
Cold War they withdrew from the government in 1947. Post-war
French governments were concerned to re-establish control over
their overseas empire and many on the Left agreed with this policy.
Bevin (1881-1951) was a trade-union leader, a critic of the orthodoxy
of interwar British economic policy and, from May 1940 to May 1945,
Minister of Labour in the Churchill Coalition Government. He then
served as Foreign Secretary in the post-war Labour administration
and is generally regarded as one of the architects of Cold War
diplomacy. His attitude towards Africa was essentially that it
should provide primary materials for the industrial economies.
1924 Industrial Conciliation Act introduced a system of collective
bargaining between employers and employees which effectively
gave trade unions their long-pursued objective of legal protection.
The system of industrial relations was criticised by the left
as enshrining a principle of class collaboration but the legislation
arguably facilitated the growth of white trade unions. Essentially,
the Act was discriminatory on racial grounds. It excluded the
agricultural, domestic and government sectors. Moreover, it did
not incorporate pass-bearing Africans and indentured Indians.
This was achieved by a narrow definition of "employee" so
that exclusions included anyone whose contract of service came
under the Native Labour Regulation Act of 1911, provincial pass
laws and the Indian labour statutes of Natal. In the 1940s, political
agitation aimed at winning recognition as employees for groups
excluded under the Act. In 1947 the government presented the
Industrial Conciliation ("Native") Bill which, with
some support from secondary industry, gave some degree of recognition
to African trade unions. .
Rule: Some Notes was originally serialised in the
TLSA's organ, The Educational Journal (1929-79), and published
by the TLSA as a pamphlet in 1982. This document gives the NEUM
interpretation of the TARC episode. Victor Wessels (1929-79),
considered to be the leading intellectual in the NEUM in the
1970s, was the son of Reverend Dan Wessels, a Moravian Minister
in Hernandal. A graduate of Livingstone High School and of UCT,
he later returned to teach at Livingstone, where he became renowned
as a teacher. He was on the Executive of the TLSA and the Anti-CAD
and a leading figure in the Unity Movement's educational fellowships.
In 1968 he was transferred to Upington but was driven out of
town two years later with the support of the security police
and returned to Cape Town. He was banned from teaching in 1969
and subsequently ran a garage. He worked with the Municipal Workers'
Association in Cape Town. A. E. "Sonny" Abdurahman,
the TARC Secretary, was the nephew of Dr Abdullah
a publication of the CPSA.
First (1925-82), political activist, journalist
and scholar, was the daughter of Baltic immigrants. First
joined the CPSA while
a student at the University of the Witwatersrand and was
secretary of the Young Communist League and the Progressive
Youth Council. When the CPSA leadership was arrested following
the 1946 African Mineworkers' Strike,
she became temporary secretary of the Johannesburg CPSA office.
Later, she became Johannesburg editor of The Guardian and
editor of Fighting Talk. In the late 1950s she was
a defendant in the Treason Trial,
and she was detained in 1963. Through her journalistic work
she illuminated the conditions of black farm workers in Bethal.
She published a number of monographs on southern African
labour and politics and developed a reputation for being
more intellectually tolerant of other Left perspectives
than some of her more orthodox Party comrades. She was married
to Joe Slovo. She was assassinated in
Guardian was a weekly CPSA-aligned
newspaper which began publication in February 1937 and was banned
in May 1952, reappearing as The Clarion, then, due to
successive bannings, as People’s World, Advance, New Age,
Don Tengo Jabavu (1885-1959), oldest son of J.
T. Jabavu, studied at Lovedale and Morija Institution in
Basutoland, received a bachelor's degree from the University
of London and a diploma of Education from the University
of Birmingham. On his return to South Africa in 1915, he
was the first faculty appointment at Fort Hare, rising to
become Professor of Bantu Languages. He was President of
the AAC from its founding until 1948, preferring persuasion
and gradualism to mass action. Alfred
Bitini Xuma (c. 1893-1962) was a medical doctor
and the first black person to get a Ph.D. from the London
School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene. In 1935 he became
Vice-President of the AAC, and in 1939, President-General
of the ANC, which he
reorganised and rebuilt in the 1940s. In 1949 he was unseated
by the more radical ANC Youth League.
refers to "A Call for African Unity", which was signed
by Xuma, Jabavu, Moroka, Matthews, Bokwe, Godlo, Mosaka, Baloyi,
Champion, Selope Thema, Ntlabati and Mahabane, in Karis and
K. Matthews (1901-68), educationist and political
activist, studied at Lovedale College and at Fort Hare, and
in 1923 became the first African to obtain a B.A. in South
Africa. He became head of Adams College, and with Albert
Luthuli attended the Durban Joint Council. In
1930 he became the first African to earn an LL.B. in South
Africa and was admitted to the Johannesburg bar and the Transvaal division
of the Supreme Court. In 1934 he obtained an M.A. from Yale
University and then studied at the London School of Economics.
In 1936 he became a lecturer at Fort Hare and in 1944, professor
and head of the African Studies department. He served on
numerous educational and political bodies, including the
SAIRR. Matthews launched the AAC in 1935 with D.
D. T. Jabavu. However, his loyalty lay with the ANC;
he supported the ANC Youth League Programme of Action in
1949 and proposed the idea of a Freedom Charter in 1953.
From 1942 to 1950 he was a member of the NRC.
M. Kotane (1905-78) was a leading Communist and
prominent member of the ANC.
Having worked in various jobs, he joined the ANC in 1928
and the CPSA in 1929.
He quickly became a full-time CPSA organiser and worked on Umsebenzi.
From 1931 to 1932, he attended the Lenin School in Moscow.
In the mid-1930s, coinciding with the Comintern's Peoples'
Front period, he helped steer the Party away from the New
Line. In 1935 he was removed from the CPSA political bureau
because of a dispute with Lazar Bach, but with Bach's marginalisation,
Kotane was reinstated. In 1939 he became CPSA General-Secretary,
a post which he held until his death. He was
banned in 1950, prosecuted for his participation in the Defiance
Campaign in 1952 and was a Treason
Trial defendant from 1956 to '58. In 1963 he went
into exile. For his biography see Bunting (1975).
B. Marks (1903-72) joined the CPSA in
1928, studied at the Lenin School in Moscow and became a
full-time Party organiser and trade unionist upon his return.
He was a member of the Party Politburo from 1930 to 1937
when he was temporarily expelled. In 1946 he was elected
to the Party's Johannesburg District Committee and, shortly
before its dissolution, to its Central Committee. He helped
revive the ANC in the
late 1930s, becoming a member of the Transvaal ANC Executive
in the early 1940s. He helped form the AMWU in 1941 and was
President of CNETU in
1945. In 1946 he was elected to the ANC National Executive.
He was banned in 1952, left South Africa in 1963 and in 1969
became Chair of the SACP in exile.
- literally council - refers to the United Transkeian Territories
General Council, an African mock parliament controlled by white
Makabeni (d. 1955) was a Transkeian-born trade unionist, an ANC activist
and a member of its National Executive Committee in the 1940s.
He was elected to the CPSA Central
Committee in 1926 but expelled in 1932 for supporting S.
P. Bunting. Although he worked with Communists, he was
concerned to build trade unions that were independent of both white
and Communist domination. He was Secretary of the ACWU from 1928
to 1955 and helped found the CNETU in
1942 and became its President, to be replaced by J.
B. Marks in 1945. Following the CPSA's banning in 1950,
the balance of power shifted and he regained control of the Transvaal CNETU.
P. Mda (1916-93) was educated and began his teaching career in
Catholic schools. His political career began in the late 1930s
as an ANC organiser in Orlando.
He was a member of the ANC national executive, one of the founders
of the ANC Youth League in 1944, and in 1947 became head of the
Youth League. From 1949 he never held political office but he continued
to be extremely influential in Africanist circles although he did
not support the PAC's break
with the ANC. Although socialist in outlook, he believed that Communists
in the ANC were weakening African nationalism. In 1963 he went
Tambo was born 1917 in Bizana, East Pondoland
and received a B.Sc. at Fort Hare in 1941. He was a founder
and leader of the ANC Youth
League and, with Nelson Mandela, opened the first African
law partnership in South Africa. He was banned in 1954 and
'59 and went into exile. In the early 1960s he helped establish
the short-lived united front of the ANC, SAIC and PAC.
From 1967 to '77 he was ANC Acting President and in 1977
became its President-General, retiring due to ill health.
His leadership was pragmatic and accomodationist, enabling
the ANC to reign in its factions and present a unified face
to the international community, unlike the strife-ridden
Mangaliso Sobukwe (1924-78) was the pre-eminent
intellectual and leader of the Pan-Africanist
Congress. Sobukwe entered Fort Hare in 1947, where
he became a leader of the ANC Youth
League and a staunch supporter of the Programme of Action
adopted in 1949. After his graduation in 1949, he worked
as a teacher. He supported the Defiance
Campaign but had minimal interaction with national
ANC politics. In 1954 Sobukwe began teaching language at
the University of the Witwatersrand and became involved with
Africanist politics, editing The Africanist, but maintaining
a behind-the-scenes profile. He advocated the Africanist
breakaway from the ANC in November 1958 and became President
of the PAC at its founding in 1959. Following his participation
in the PAC's anti-pass campaign in March 1960, and the Sharpeville-Langa
massacres , he was sentenced to three years' imprisonment.
His sentence was extended by a special act known as the Sobukwe
Clause, and he was released in 1969, subject to house arrest.
In late 1975 he opened a law practice. For his biography
see Pogrund (1990).
to a report in The Citizen Annual 1958, the
funds collected during the TARC campaign were never
accounted for after the campaign's collapse.
the inspiration and campaigning of Eastern Cape political leader John
Tengo Jabavu and the impetus of James Stewart, principal
of the Lovedale Missionary Institute, the South African Native
College opened in 1916 on land provided by the United Free Church
of Scotland at the site of the Fort Hare military post. To many
in the Eastern Cape it was i koliji ka Jabavu, Jabavu's
College; it later became known as Fort Hare College. Initially,
students studied matriculation subjects; later Unisa degree
courses were added. Its students included Nelson Mandela, Oliver
Tambo, Robert Mugabe and other future African leaders.
In 1949 it affiliated with Rhodes University but in 1959 it came
under the control of the Department of Bantu Education which redefined
it as a university for Xhosa-speaking students only. In the 1960s
it was a centre for the black consciousness
movement and the site of student agitation in the 1970s
is most likely a reference to Tabata's letter to Nelson Mandela
of 16 June 1948 which concerned the organisational question. Tabata
argued that the ANC was a backward-looking
and unprincipled organisation and thus that there was a contradiction
between the parent body and the ANC Youth League which rejected
inferior status and supported the boycott of racial structures.
See Karis and Carter (1973:362-8).
Gomas (1901-1979) joined the ANC,
ISL and ICU in 1919. By 1923
he was a full-time ICU organiser, and in 1925 he joined the CPSA.
His political development shows several turning points. In the
1930s he supported Comintern directives to form a popular front
with white labour. By the 1940s he was alienated from the CPSA's
increasing orientation to white labour and white parliamentary
politics and was increasingly in agreement with Trotskyists,
while attacking them for their practical inactivity. In the late
1940s Gomas was removed from the CPSA hierarchy but despite his
declining role in the Party, he endorsed its electoral candidates
and remained a member until it disbanded in 1950. In the early
1950s he tried to organise united fronts against apartheid in
the Cape Peninsula. Gomas came to identify with the views expressed
by disillusioned Communist George Padmore in Pan-Africanism
or Communism? The coming struggle for Africa,
ascribing the failure of black organisations to their attempts
to please whites. In 1959 he joined the PAC.
For his biography see Musson (1989).
is probably a reference to the Anti-CAD. According to I. B. Tabata,
Goolam Gool, who headed the Anti-CAD, was unable to call a meeting
of its Executive because its members felt unable to discuss politics
in the repressive atmosphere of the post-1948 apartheid era.
The Anti-CAD failed to hold a conference for seven years (interview
with Tabata and Jane Gool, Harare, 17 December 1987).
John Golding (1906-60s) attended Zonnebloem College and became
a teacher and principal in Cape Town. He became Chair of the CAC
in 1943 and in 1944 founded and became President of the CPNU, a
body that superseded the APO and later rivalled the SACPO which
became part of the Congress Alliance. In the 1950s he attempted
to challenge the government's removal of coloured voters from the
common voters' roll. He co-operated-at various times with the opposition
UP and with the government.
the breakdown of the TARC, efforts to build united fronts in
the Western Cape led to the formation of the FRAC in 1951.
A. Jordaan (d. 1988), a teacher by profession, was a Cape Town-based
socialist who worked in the FIOSA in the 1940s, the Forum Club
in the 1950s and, with Hassan Bavassah, in the tiny, ephemeral
Workers' Democratic League around 1960. Jordaan was highly respected
by both Trotskyists and communists for his theoretical writings
of the 1940s and' 50s. He went into exile in the early 1960s and
was associated for a time with the PAC.
He was a contributor to Race and Class but many of his writings
remain unpublished. He died in Zimbabwe. Discussion was
the organ of the Cape Town Forum Club, a discussion club of the
early 1950s which represented the remnants of the FIOSA. In the
late 1940s, the Fourth International advised South African Trotskyists
in the FIOSA and WPSA to merge. Some of those in the smaller FIOSA,
such as Hosea Jaffe and W. P. van Schoor, chose to join the NEUM,
where the WPSA worked underground. Those who chose not to, including
Jordaan, Arthur Davids, Eric Ernstzen and Zayed Gamiet, formed
the Forum Club. On the Workers' Democratic League see Lesson
of the March Days, Bulletin no. 1, September 1960, Mr. P. Duncan
Papers, folder 8.71, Borthwick Institute University of York.
Anti-CAD movement published a series of bulletins with frequently
acerbic commentary on a variety of political topics in the 1940s
Carneson (b. 1920) was from a white working-class
family. During World War Two he fought in North Africa. He
was Secretary of the CPSA Cape
Town District Committee from 1945 to 1947 and joined the
Central Committee in 1947. In 1949 he was elected to represent
Africans in the Cape Provincial Council but was expelled
because of his Party affiliation in 1952. He was a Treason
Trial defendant and was jailed for over five years
in the 1960s on the charge of organising for the underground
SACP. After his release in 1972 he went into exile for a
number of years.
FRAC was formed in 1951 as an ad hoc alliance to contest
the Separate Representation of Voters Bill, whose purpose was to
whittle away the remnants of the coloured franchise. The Bill was
placed before Parliament in March 1951. FRAC organised a political
strike in Cape Town on 11 March 1951, with 15 000 marching through
the city, and a similar event in Port Elizabeth on 7 May. The FRAC
alliance did not include the NEUM, and the Anti-CAD opposed these
events. For its viewpoint see National Anti-CAD Statement on
the Proposed "Political Strike" on 7th May, 1951,19
April 1951. This criticised the Franchise Action Council — said
to comprise the Coloured People's National Convention and the former
Franchise Action Committee - for its decision to call a political
strike to defeat the Separate Representation of Voters' Bill and
to defend the Non-European franchise. The Anti-CAD argued firstly,
that the proposed strike was not a proper strike because it exempted
certain "essential" workers in advance, thus dividing
the workers; secondly, that the black people were not prepared
for a strike because they were not organised in trade unions; and
thirdly, that the people calling the strike were themselves supporting
or working discriminatory institutions such as the CAC, which was
a forerunner of ii» Separate Representation of Voters' Bill. The
Bill was passed into law in June.
Kahn, a lawyer by profession, joined the CPSA in
1930 and became a member of its Central Executive in 1938.
He organised several trade unions, was active in the NLL,
served on the Cape Town City Council from 1943 to 1952 and
from 1949 to 1952 represented Africans of the Cape Western
district in Parliament before his expulsion for being a-Communist.
He was banned in the mid-1950s and left South Africa in 1960.
Torch was a newspaper of the NEUM edited by B. M. Kies.
It was published in Cape Town from 1946 until 1962 and produced
a Northern edition.
L. Maurice, the first Principal of the Harold Cressy High School
established in 1950 in District Six, was for many years a leading
figure on the TLSA Executive.
Education (Eiselen) Commission of 1949 was chaired
by Werner W. M. Eiselen, Professor of Bantu Studies at the
University of Stellenbosch, who was Secretary of Native Affairs
from 1949. It recommended separate education and mother-tongue
instruction for Africans. These recommendations were implemented
with the Bantu Education Act of 1953.
The recommendations reflected the doctrine of Christian National
Education, which was derived from Calvinist ideas and linked
with the development of Afrikaner
nationalism. The goal of Christian National Education
was to prepare children to occupy their respective social positions
in segregated society. It evolved in the 1870s in the Transvaal and
the Orange Free State when the Dutch language and religion
were reinstated in schools. After the Anglo-Boer
War Christian National Education schools were established
to oppose Lord Milner's
policy of Anglicisation. It later became official NP policy.
van Riebeeck (1619-77), a representative of the Dutch
East-India Company, landed at the 6 April 1652 and
founded the first white settlement. He was Commander of the
Cape from 1652 to ’62. He imported slaves and fought the first
war against Khoi pastoralists from 1659 to '60. In the early
1950s the planned countrywide Tercentenary Van Riebeeck Festival
generated much political activity amongst black South Africans
to promote a boycott of the celebrations, especially in the
Cape Peninsula. K. A. Jordaan lectured a branch meeting of
a teachers' union on Van Riebeeck's historical significance
in early 1950, and in late 1951 he addressed a symposium sponsored
by the Modem Youth Society on the subject. See Jordaan (1952).
The NEUM successfully planned and promoted a boycott of the
celebrations. Phyllis Ntantala (1992:149-52) recounts the work
of the CATA, TLSA, SOYA and Anti-CAD in holding numerous local
meetings on the need for a boycott, using the slogan "We
Have Nothing to Celebrate". The NEUM's "Boycott the
Van Riebeeck Celebrations" rally took place at the Grand
Parade, Cape Town on 4 April. At the climax of the celebrations,
6 April 1952, the Transvaal ANC and TIC called
for a "People's Protest Day", arguing that "This
Van Riebeeck celebration cannot be a time for rejoicing for
the Non-Europeans" (Karis and
refers to the TLSA and the CATA. The union of the TLSA and CATA
mentioned in the Discussion presumably refers to the Cape Teachers'
Federal Council, founded by W. P. van Schoor of the TLSA and Leo
Sihlali of CATA.
Women's International Democratic Federation was a left-wing organisation
aligned with the international Communist movement, with which FEDSAW was
in contact but not formally affiliated.
formed in 1954 by women leaders from the Congress movement, including
Ray Alexander, Marcelle Goldberg, Helen
Joseph, Florence Mkhize, Lillian
Ngoyi, with a goal of uniting women across sectional
lines. In 1955 and '56 the ANC Women's
League and FEDSAW led several mass demonstrations against the extension
of passes to African women (Karis and
Carter 1973: 403-5). FEDSAW's history in the 1950s and '60s illustrates
both the problems of subordination to a male-determined agenda
and of political sectarianism. FEDSAW's decision to structure itself
as a federated body aligned with the Congress movement rather than
as an organisation based on individual membership cut it off from
women who were outside that political tradition. Although Ray Alexander,
for one, had favoured individual membership, after she was banned
FEDSAW's national executive moved to the Rand, where the ANC and
the Transvaal ANC Women's League
were able to ensure a federal structure. Within the Congress movement,
FEDSAW had second-class status, being refused official representation
on the Congress Alliance.
Alexander (b. 1913) immigrated to South Africa from Latvia
in 1929, joined the CPSA and
became a trade-union activist, noted particularly for her work
in the FCWU. From 1938 to '50 she was on the CPSA's Political
Bureau. In 1954 she was banned from labour activities. That year
she was elected to represent Africans in the Western Cape in
Parliament, following Sam Kahn and Brian
Bunting, but was prevented from taking the seat. In
1965 she and her husband, H. J. Simons, went into exile for many
years. They co-authored the seminal study, Class and Colour
in South Africa, 1850-1950. Ida Fiye Mntwana (1903-60) was
women's leader and ANC activist.
She joined the ICU in 1927,
was the first President of the Transvaal ANC
Women's League, was elected to the Transvaal ANC Executive in
1953 and became National President of FEDSAW in
1954. She was a leader in the women's
anti-pass demonstrations in the 1950s. She was an
organiser for the Congress of the People and
a Treason Trial defendant
from 1956 to '57.
Education Act of 1953 implemented the recommendations
of the Native Education (Eiselen)
Commission of 1949. The Act removed African education
from the Christian missions and placed it under the Department
of Native (Bantu) Affairs. It specified that African students
should study a special syllabus to prepare them for their inferior
social position. In the words of Hendrik
F. Verwoerd, Minister of Native Affairs from 1950
and later Prime Minister: "There is no place for [the
Native] in the European community above the level of certain
forms of labour.... for that reason it is of no avail for him
to receive a training which has as its main aim absorption
in the European community". For a NEUM analysis, see Tabata's
(1980) Education for Barbarism: Bantu (apartheid) education
in South Africa, originally published in 1959. Ntantala
(1992: 153-63) discusses NEUM/ANC/COD tensions in the struggle
against Bantu Education, from a perspective sympathetic to
the NEUM. The .COD produced, a pamphlet called Educating
refers to a popular anti-colonial uprising in Kenya, called "Mau
Mau" by the British colonial authorities,
which led to the imposition of a State of Emergency in the early
the Defiance Campaign, the ANC faced
criticisms for its lack of ideological clarity, both from the
ANC Youth League and from the NEUM, which had its own Ten-Point
Programme, and in August 1953 Professor Z.
K. Matthews called for "... a Freedom Charter
for the Democratic South Africa of the Future". The drafting
of the Charter was conceived as a three-stage process attracting "Freedom
Volunteers" throughout the country and linking up with the
ANC's Western Areas and Bantu Education campaigns. Provincial
committees were to establish local committees to elect delegates
to draft the Charter, however the local committees were largely
stillborn. Initially, neither the COD nor SAIC were
enthusiastic about the call for a Freedom Charter. However, as
the campaign went on, Africanists criticised the high-profile
role of COD whites. The seemingly disproportionate influence
of COD whites, coupled with the Charter's multinational conception
of the South African nation, which to Africanists denied the
African majority their rightful possession of the land, exacerbated
tensions between them and the rest of the ANC. The Charter's
adoption at the Congress of the People in
June 1955, before its acceptance by the ANC, intensified tensions
in the ANC: Once the Congress of the People began to publicise
the Charter, it became difficult for the ANC to amend it, despite
pressure to do so. For instance, in October 1955 the Natal ANC
Provincial Council passed a number of resolutions which they
hoped to incorporate in the Charter, and which foreshadowed criticism
by Africanists and others. The Natal amendments called for careful
review before the ANC's endorsement, arguing, among other things,
that its National clause emphasised racial distinctions rather
than nation building. Yet, when the ANC finally ratified the
Charter in 1956, despite reservations by both Africanists and
Natal delegates, the Natal amendments were not incorporated.
a journal of the Congress Alliance. Albert
John Luthuli (c. 1898-1967) was a Zulu chief and teacher
who studied at and later became head of Adams College high school
and was President-General of the ANC from
1952 to '67. He was subjected to a series of banning orders in
the 1950s. In 1960 he was awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize for his committed leadership of non-violent
struggle against apartheid. His autobiography is entitled Let My
People Go. He died under mysterious circumstances.
National Congress was formed by S. S. Bhengu in early 1952. It
was pro-apartheid and financed by Afrikaner nationalists and failed
to gain any popular following, except among certain chiefs. In
April 1954 Bhengu was convicted of theft and fraud and sentenced
to prison. The National-Minded Bloc was led by R. V. Selope Thema
and was concerned that whites and Indians were exerting undue influence
on the ANC.
letter was published as "Dr Xuma's Letter Congress Would
not Read", The World (Johannesburg), Saturday, 28
January 1956. See Karis and
Carter (1977: 242-5).
refers to the followers of S. S. Bhengu, founder of the pro-apartheid
Bantu National Congress.
K. Ngubane, a politician and journalist, was educated at Adams
College, became assistant editor of Ilanga lase Natal, worked
on the Bantu World and in 1944 became editor of Inkundla
ya Bantu. He found the ANC Youth
League in the early 1940s and, using his newspaper, assisted Albert
Luthuli's rise to prominence. Ngubane was deeply critical
of Communist influence in the ANC and moved to the Liberal Party
in the 1950s, becoming its National Vice-Chair. He later became
sympathetic to the PAC. He
was banned in 1963 and went into exile. He later joined Inkatha.
He is the author of several books, including An African Explains
Documents 25, 26 and 27 reflect
Johnny Gomas' increasing disillusionment about the possibility
of working with whites on an equal basis, a view that led him to
join the PAC in 1959.
R. Roux (1903-66), a botanist by profession, was one of the first
South African-born white Communists. He helped establish the
YCL as a student and, with Willie Kalk, pushed it to recruit
blacks. He joined the CPSA in
1923 and was profoundly influenced by S.
P. Bunting. He was elected Vice-Chair in December
1924. Along with Bunting, he fought for greater interaction with
black workers. He attended h Comintern Congress in 1928 and became
a supporter of the Native Republic thesis despite initial opposition.
In the 1930s, increasingly critical of Comintern intervention,
he was marginalised he Party and left in 1936. In 1944 he wrote
a biography of Bunting, and in 1948, Time Longer than Rope,
the first major and still indispensable study of the liberation
struggle. He pioneered Easy English, a technique for teaching
English as a second language. From 1957 to 1963 he was a member
of Liberal Party, and he was banned in 1964. For his autobiography
see Roux (1972).
refers to E. S. "Solly" Sachs (1901-76), born in Lithuania
and described by his brother, Bernard Sachs (1959: 44-59), as a "Talmudist
and rebel", a political pragmatist who was “the perfect apparatus
man” and an admirer of Stalin's political realism. Solly Sachs
was expelled from the CPSA in
September 1931. His life's work was the predominantly Afrikaner
and female Garment Workers' Union, to which he was elected Secretary
in November 1928, and which was the subject of his book, Rebels'
Daughters (1957). Sachs believed in the progressive potential
of white workers. Disillusioned with the SALP, he launched the
ILP in 1943, which proved an immediate non-starter, but in the
1950s he still hoped to build a strong Labour Party. He was forced
to resign from the GWU in 1952 under the Suppression of Communism
Act and later went into exile in Britain.
Duncan (1918-67) was the son of Sir Patrick Duncan, former Governor-General
of South Africa. Through the course of his life, he became increasingly
radicalised. From 1941 to '52 he was in the British service in
Basutoland, where he became fluent in Sesotho. He resigned his
post in 1952 to participate in the Defiance
Campaign. Passionately anti-Communist, he joined the
Liberal Party in 1955, became its National Organiser and edited Contact. He
resigned from the Liberal Party in 1963 in opposition to its non-violent
stance and joined the PAC,
which he represented in exile. His papers are in the Southern African
Archives, Borthwick Institute, University of York.
Age was a newspaper aligned with the Congress Alliance
and run by a collective of Communists, including Lionel
Forman, Brian Bunting, Sonia
Bunting, Fred Carneson and Alex
La Guma in Cape Town, Govan
Mbeki in the Eastern Cape, M.
P. Naicker in Durban and Ruth
First, Michael Harmel and Ivan Schermbrucker in
Johannesburg. Forman and Odendaal (1992: xxiii) write:"...
these few individuals largely shaped the policy of the paper.
Their world view and politics to a large extent became those
of the liberation movement."
1956 the Industrial Conciliation Amendment Act required "mixed" unions
- those with white and coloured or Indian members - to split
into racially divided unions or form separate racial branches
controlled by white executives, and it ended future recognition
of such "mixed" unions. The Act authorised the government to declare
strikes in essential industries illegal and facilitated job reservation
Bunting (b. 1920) - a Communist, journalist and
author and the son of S. P. Bunting.
He worked on the Rand Daily Mail, Sunday Times and
after World War Two edited a number of newspapers, including The
Guardian and its successors, Advance, Clarion, Peoples'
World and New Age. In 1946 he was elected to the CPSA'
s Johannesburg District Committee, and he later became a
member of the CPSA Central Committee. From 1952 to '53 he
was a Natives' Representative in the House of Assembly but
was expelled because of his CPSA membership. He was banned
and detained, and in 1963 went into exile, where he was an
editor of The African Communist.
Multi-Racial Conference was held at the University of the Witwatersrand,
3 to 5 December 1957. The idea came from the Conference of the
Interdenominational African Ministers' Federation, which was held
in October 1956 to consider the Tomlinson Report. At the time,
most of the ANC leadership
was involved in the Treason Trial,
and neither the ANC nor the SACP wanted
to convene the conference on their own initiative. Alan Paton played
a key role in organising the conference. Attendance was diverse
and included representatives from IDAMF, SAIRR, ANC, the Black
Sash, SAIC, SALP and individuals
such as the flamboyant Alexandra Africanist Josias Madzunya, Vic
Goldberg, who represented the COD, and Baruch Hirson. The NEUM
and its affiliates did not attend. The conference called for the
creation of a common society, for universal adult suffrage on a
common voters' roll (despite different views on how to achieve
that goal) and for a constitutional Bill of Rights. The Communist
M. D. Naidoo' s call to carry the struggle to the masses was withdrawn
in favour of Archbishop Hurley's more moderate proposal for a continuing
body to carry out the conference resolutions.
1950s saw the formation and development of a number of women's
organisations and movements. The Black Sash was
formed in 1955 as the Women's Defence of the Constitution League
but it became known for the sashes worn by its members to symbolise
their mourning for attacks on the constitution. Although membership
was open to all women residents of South Africa, in practice it
was a white organisation. The Mothers' Union was an organisation
linked to the Anglican Church and concerned to uphold traditional
values of motherhood and family. Its members' participation in
the struggles against the extension of passes to African women
is detailed in Hooper (1989).
Zedong (Mao Tse-Tung) (1893-1976) was the leader of the Chinese
Communist Party from 1935 and developed a political strategy
influenced heavily by the specific circumstances of Chinese society,
particularly the place of the peasantry. From 1949 he was the
leader of the People's Republic of China. He identified increasingly
with a socialist strategy distinct from that of the Soviet Union,
culminating in the Sino-Soviet rift of 1960.
Atlantic Charter was drawn up by British Prime Minister Winston
Churchill and U. S. President P. D. Roosevelt in August
1941. The Charter’s emphasis on human rights was seized upon by
Black South African activists. They argued that South Africa, as
a wartime ally of the anti-fascist Allies, had a moral obligation
to apply the Charter to its own affairs. At its annual conference
in December 1943, the ANC adopted
a charter of rights entitled Africans' Claims in South Africa (Karis and
Carter 1973: 209-23), which was modelled on the Atlantic
Charter. The demands included the abolition of racial
discrimination, an equal franchise, no restrictions on movement
and residence, and a range of egalitarian economic and social reforms.
The agenda subsequently made an impact at the UN and
at congresses of the Pan-Africanist movement. The UN Charter was
drafted during the war and the UN formally established in October
1945. In December 1948 the UN General Assembly adopted the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, which entailed a pledge by UN member
states to guarantee both civil and social rights.
Citizen, published in the late 1950s, represented the views
of a number of Cape Town-based individuals disillusioned both
with the NEUM and with the Congress Alliance. Many of the group
later joined the Liberal Party.
an ephemeral publication of the Socialist League of Africa.
Mlungisi Tsotsi was born in Transkei and
educated at Fort Hare. He was principal of Freemantle School for
Boys and later became a lawyer. He was a member of the Transkei
Teachers' Association until its merger with the CATA, and he helped
to politicise CATA and pushed for its affiliation to the AAC. He
was a leading figure in the AAC and its President from 1948 to
'59, coming under increasing attack from its left-wing. In the
1960s he moved to Basutoland and then to Zambia, where he worked
as a lawyer for the Zambian government. Ikwezi Lomso (Morning
Star), edited by Livingstone Mqotsi in the late 1950s, details
the activities of the AAC and the TOB in Transkei. It discusses
the tensions and split in the AAC and other NEUM affiliates from
the point of view of the AAC leadership.
1954 the government-appointed Tomlinson Commission outlined a programme
for the rehabilitation of the African reserves premised on the
assumption that South Africa would never become a unified society.
Although its proposals for extensive investment to stabilise the
reserves were not follow through by the government, its Report
served as the basis for the policy of separate development adopted
by the government of H. F. Verwoerd.
Mettler was a pseudonym of Baruch Hirson. Hirson, a physicist
by profession who taught at the University of the Witwatersrand,
was a Johannesburg-based socialist who entered politics through
the Hashomer Hatzair, a Jewish youth group, worked in the Trotskyist
WIL in the 1940s, and in the 1950s, with the PF, a NEUM affiliate.
He broke with the NEUM over the issue of how to fight the extension
of apartheid to universities. He later worked in the COD and
in the tiny Socialist League of Africa, which criticised the
COD from the left. In the early 1960s he became involved with
the NCL/ARM, was imprisoned for nine years and upon release went
into exile in England, becoming a historian. For his autobiography
see Hirson (1995). It is time to awake was a critique
of Tabata's The All-African Convention: The awakening of a
people, which Hirson himself had published in 1950 under
the name of “People Press”. A copy of It is time to awake is
at the Borthwick Institute, University of York, and in the Karis-Carter
microfilm collection. For another Trotskyist perspective of Tabata's
book see Arthur Davids, "A Critical Analysis of I. B. Tabata's
Book— The All-African Convention", Cape Town: Forum
Club, reprint. Discussion, 1, 2 [c. December 1950].
Nkrumah (1909-71) was a Ghanaian politician and proponent of Pan-African
unity. He was educated in the U.S. and Britain and in 1945, co-chaired
the Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester. On retuning to the
Gold Coast, he became Secretary-General of the United Gold Coast
Convention but subsequently formed the Convention People's Party.
He was Prime Minister from 1952 to '57, when Ghana became
independent, and he continued in that post until 1960, when Ghana
became a republic and he became President. His domestic policies
became increasingly repressive, and he was later deposed by military
coup and exiled.
formation in 1951, largely at the direction of I. B. Tabata, was
a response to the increasing numbers of African workers in towns
and mounting pressure from NEUM youth for more township activity.
It was also an attempt to counter the growing influence of the ANC amongst
students and urban youth. To compete he ANC Youth League, SOYA
began as an African-only youth grouping geared especially to the
political education of working-class Africans. Its membership became
non-racial in the mid-1950s, including coloureds and Indians, yet
many members maintained an Africanist orientation. It had branches
in the Transvaal, Western and
Eastern Cape and Natal, and at Fort Hare, virtually all those connected
with it were blacklisted in 1954. The formation of and opposition
to SOYA within the NEUM reflected mounting tensions and rivalry,
indicated by SOYA's affiliation to the AAC, rather than directly
to the NEUM. Hosea Jaffe, who played a central role in the Cape
Peninsula educational fellowships, vigorously opposed SOYA’s formation.
This pamphlet represents the views of the Wits SOYA. Possibly because
of geographic proximity to those officials who lived around Johannesburg,
the Wits SOYA was particularly subject to pressure and criticism
by the AAC leadership and, due to its more explicitly socialist
line, it was expelled in the late 1950s, in contrast to the Cape
Town SOYA which followed Tabata.
New Era Fellowship was a radical discussion and debating society
which was formed by Goolam Gool in 1937 and which ran until the
late 1960s. It met at the Stakesby Lewis Hostel and in the Fidelity
Hall on the edge of District Six in Cape Town. W. P. van Schoor
addressed its first meeting with a lecture on “Imperialism”. It
provided a forum for black students at UCT who were isolated from
the university's all-white intellectual life. Its speakers included
UCT lecturers, such as Lancelot Hogben and Frederick Bodmer, as
well as foreign visitors, and it attracted political activists
and people outside the university. It initiated the campaign against
the CAC, launching the Anti-CAD on 28 February 1943. The views
of its leading members are found in Trek, published in Cape
Town. The NEF's success led to the formation of a network of fellowships
throughout the Cape Peninsula, a venture in which Hosea Jaffe was
centrally involved. Fellowships were set up in the Cape Flats,
South Peninsula, Southern suburbs, Northern areas, Langa and Paarl
and eventually in Port Elizabeth and Kimberley. Their audience
was often mainly coloured and middle-class.
C. Jordan (1906-68), a leading African literary writer and intellectual,
was born in Transkei and educated
at St John's College, Lovedale and Fort Hare. In 1956 he received
a Ph.D. from UCT, where he lectured in African languages. He was
a prominent member of the AAC and NEUM but was ostracised over
disagreements about how to fight the extension of apartheid to
universities. He was married to Phyllis Ntantala. In the early
1960s he and his family went into exile. From 1964 he was a professor
of African Studies at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.
Linda Sihlali (1915-89) studied at Lovedale Missionary Institution
and Fort Hare and later received a B.A. from Unisa.
A teacher by profession, he was a leading figure in the CATA,
AAC and NEUM. In the 1940s he was involved in the struggle against
Rehabilitation in Transkei,
and he successfully pushed for CATA's affiliation to the AAC.
From 1951 to '53 he was President of CATA and from 1953 to '55,
editor of its organ, The Teacher's Vision. In 1951, along
with W. P. van Schoor, he formed the Cape Teachers' Federal Council,
an umbrella organisation linking CATA and TLSA, and became its
first President. In 1955 he and the entire CATA Executive were
dismissed from their teaching positions because of their opposition
to Bantu Education; Sihlali
subsequently worked as a shop assistant. CATA successfully sued
the government for wrongful dismissal using Sihlali's appeal
as a test case. In 1956 he became General-Secretary of the AAC
and in 1960 was a founding member of the APDUSA. In the 1960s
he was banned, house-arrested and imprisoned for three years
on Robben Island. He spent his last years in Mount Frere, and
in the 1980s supported the New Unity Movement.
Vutela, Secretary of the Wits SOYA, was expelled from Fort Hare
in the late 1950s for leading student protests. He moved to the
Johannesburg area where he and several other CATA members tried
to push the SOYA and the NEUM to engage with mass politics, through
their leadership of residents' associations and of protests against
advisory boards. At the time, Vutela and his circle were committed
to Tabata and thought that in pushing for the NEUM's involvement
in mass politics they were implementing his ideas. Thus, they
did not align themselves with left critics of the NEUM, such
as Baruch Hirson, on the one hand, and Austin Lepolesa, Ismail
Mohamed and Roseinnes Phahle, on the other. However, other supporters
of Tabata, who included Jennifer Davis, Andrew Lukele, Dr Saloojee
and Edna Wilcox, Victor Sondio and Norman Traub, on the grounds
that they were winning the “heads” —i.e. the leading positions
- but not the “bodies” of popular organisations. Both the Vutela
circle and the Lepolesa circle were later expelled from the SOYA
and the AAC. Lepolesa subsequently joined the ANC Youth