Say It out Loud - The Education Bill, 1906

From the book: Say It out Loud by Mohamed Adhikari

The Education Bill, 1906

The School Board Act, No. 35 of 1905 ¹

Throughout his public career, Dr Abdurahman displayed great interest in education. Thus, when the School Board Bill was proposed in 1905 he played a leading part in explaining it to the Coloured people, laying stress on the discrimination it contained in that it embodied acceptance by the State of school education for white children, but no corresponding commitment to the education of Coloured children. The following address was delivered in Clifton Hill School, in District 6, Cape Town.

To the audience as follows: Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, it is frequently said, and said with justification, that the Coloured people have shown an active involvement in the question of education, and that they have an intense desire to obtain a better system of education for their children (hear, hear). That is a saying that reflects creditably upon us; it is an aspiration we admit with pride; for if there is one thing more than another worthy of the attention of a people, it is undoubtedly the question of education. To see such a large audience here tonight is satisfactory, for it confirms what has been said of us, and it shows that we have realised the advantages others have acquired through a generous system of education, and that we feel the disadvantage at which we are placed through the want of it (applause).

THE PRESENT SYSTEM

What, then, is the position of the Coloured child today? The present system of education is practically at the same stage at which it was 15 years ago ( " Shame " ). Little or nothing has been done by the State to improve it; but, on the other hand, opportunities which we had a few years back of reaching a higher standard are now denied to us. Two schools at which I received my education have closed their doors to other Coloured children, and nothing has been substituted to take their place (renewed cries of " Shame " ). Indeed, the tendency has been to discourage higher education for the Coloured, to restrict their education more and more, to place obstacles in their way, and to limit their education to Standard IV, which is, in the vast majority of instances ­ through the want of adequate grants from the State ­ beyond our reach ( " Shame " ). During the last 10 or 15 years the attainments of the Coloured children have improved very little if any; and while we are clamouring loudly for education we are not asking so much for more infant schools after the present type, but for an improvement in them, so that they may become worthy of the name of schools, and for opportunities to reach a higher standard (Cheers). In doing so we are asking only what we are legally and morally entitled to ­ that which no well-wisher of the Coloured could conscientiously refuse, that which is recognised to be the duty of the State (loud applause).

What, then, is the duty of the State in the matter of education? Now, sir, in all civilised countries the State has undertaken the responsibility of educating the people up to a certain standard, and of affording to the promising pupils opportunities of reaching the highest standard existing in the country. Still we might expect, even in the twentieth century, to find men who would oppose such a step, particularly where the Coloured child is concerned (cries of " Quite true " ).

I shall therefore endeavour to show why I think it is the duty of the State to ensure a generous system of education to the people, not only to Europeans, but also to Europeans and Coloured alike.

It is said that crime is the child of ignorance and misery. That is so true that it does not require any comment; and those of us who have lived and worked among the poor in this and other countries have seen quite sufficient of the horrors of disease and crime directly attributable to ignorance ­ ignorance of the laws of health, ignorance of the principles of right and wrong, ignorance of the laws of nature, ignorance of the duties of man to man (hear, hear). You can see the results of such ignorance daily on the faces of those who dwell in the slums of any great city. This sad condition can, however, be greatly improved by educating the people (hear, hear). But men are so apt to take a selfish and narrow-minded view of things that they cannot and will not look upon the education of the people in its true and proper light. The immediate gain for any outlay predominates so largely in their minds that the ultimate benefits are almost completely obscured or ignored (cheers).

Let us then take a few of the many benefits the State would reap from a universal system of education. In the first place, a more intelligent worker is produced, whether a skilled mechanic or an ordinary agricultural labourer, whether as cook or a housemaid. Secondly, education produces a citizen more amenable to law and order, with a consequent reduction in prison and legal charges (cheers). Further, it has been said that brains form the greatest national asset. That is true, and they should developed to their utmost capacity, if only from a purely financial aspect (cheers).

Luther remarked on the question of education: " Even if there were no souls to cure ... the world needs accomplished men and women to keep up its outward temporal prosperity. " Yes, South Africa, we may add, is greatly in want of such men and such women, and accomplished men and women can only be produced by educating (loud applause).

These are a few of the many benefits that would accrue to the State in return for a true and generous system of education, and instead of being a burden to the State would be a financial gain and its greatest source of national strength.

But there is another aspect of education and to my mind as important as the purely financial one. The educated man can take a wider and truer view of life. His aims become higher, his ideals nobler, his aspirations purer. He has a better conception of the duties that devolve upon him when he demands his rights as a citizen and he is less liable to abuse the privileges he is entitled to enjoy. In short, education produces a higher type of man, and this, sir, is to my mind a worthier view of education (applause).

Now if education is capable of producing a better type of man, and if our subject in this world is to live our best life, and if it is the duty of the State to ensure to the individuals every possible opportunity of leading the best life ­ then it follows that it is the duty of the State to provide a generous system of education to all, not only to Europeans, but to both white and black (cheers). Unfortunately there are so many Europeans in this country who look upon our education not as a source of gain and strength to the State, but as a decided danger, and as something not to be encouraged (a voice: Why?) They regard the Coloured races as a means of ministering to their cause and pleasure, as a source of rendering themselves (Europeans) more comfortable, as one of the many good things the Almighty created in this world for the white man (cries of "Shame!" "That's true!") this, Mr. Chairman, is a view held by some in whose hands our welfare is entrusted. It is a view which, if persisted in, can come to no good, and is sure to bring in its train great suffering to the whole Colony. (The cheering was prolonged and loud, and it was some time before order was restored). Fortunately there are a few liberal-minded men in Parliament, and in the interests of the two races we sincerely hope that their views will prevail in the end (hear, hear, and a voice: Good old Schreiner).

Now sir, there is one point to which I would like to call your attention. You will probably recollect that when Sir Lewis Mitchell, in the capacity of Acting Colonial Secretary circulated his letter wherein he asked for an expression of opinion on the question of compulsory education for Europeans, we complained that the Coloured man was totally ignored, and we pointed but that Sir Lewis was the last man from whom we expected such a circular; because when he sought our suffrages he declared that in the matter of education we had not been treated fairly, and he promised that he would make it his first endeavour to see that better provisions are made in the future.

Sir Lewis at a later date replied that there was no bill before the country, and the "Argus" told us that our cry was somewhat premature. Well, the Bill is now before us, and we have met to discuss some points in it. You will also recollect that the Colonial Secretary prefaced the Bill with a speech at Kimberley. This speech contains so much valuable information explanatory of the Bill that it would be difficult to deal with the later without keeping the former in our mind.

There is one regrettable feature about the Colonial Secretary's speech. He unconsciously revealed to us his attitude of mind on the Coloured question. He looks upon the education of the Coloured people as a threatening danger to Europeans (Shame) for he told the European audience the numerical increase in the Coloured children at school was sufficient justification why the Europeans should have compulsory education (cries of Shame); and secondly, he said that the mission schools must largely remain for the Coloured (cries of " Shame " , " Abominable, " and " Traitor " ). Of course, self-preservation naturally excludes from the mind of the average European any other view. To me it shows how essential it is for the Coloureds to become more self-reliant and independent, and how absolutely necessary it is for them to look for salvation from among themselves (applause).

Well, sir, the Colonial Secretary remarked some people would say he went to Kimberley to unfold his Bill because the Ministry is a De Beers Ministry. However, I trust that no one here to-night will be influenced one way or other by the mere constitution of the Ministry, be that what it may. If we find anything beneficial in the Bill we shall readily admit it, and express our gratitude to the Colonial Secretary; if, on the other hand, we discover what might appear detrimental to our welfare, we shall not hesitate to say so (hear, hear). The Colonial Secretary introduced his Bill to a European audience. His speech was evidently intended for a European audience (a voice: Of course) and at the outset he struck terror into them by holding up the usual black bogey, which exist nowhere except in minds of those who take a perverted view of our advancement. He told them that they were exposed to a grave danger through the increased desire of the Coloured people to have their children educated. He said: " The figures showed an enormous increase in the attendance of Coloured children and a by no means proportionate increase in the attendance of European children. In 1891 the total number of children of European descent on the books was 11,000, and of Coloured 10,000. Today the number of European children is 64,000 and of Coloured 98,000. In other words, there were 34,000 more Coloured than European children at school. The increase percent gave them an idea of the rate of increase of European and Coloured children. The increase percent in the case of white children was 38,5% in the case of Coloured 142,4%. The school attendance had increased; it had increased enormously. But how? Not by the proportionate increase of the number of white children against the number of white inhabitants, but in a manner that showed what an intense desire the Coloured and native population had for the advantages of education. So far as he could see, and he did not think he was wrong, there were at least 20,000 children of European descent who were receiving no sort of education. He thought that was justification enough for their considering the very important point as to whether they should not insist upon some form of compulsion.

His audience cheered (a voice: Of course). Evidently the Colonial Secretary's figures produced the desired effect. The audience cheered because they agreed with him that the figures proved conclusively that compulsory education was absolutely necessary for white children ­ necessary not because Europeans have neglected their duty as parents, but because of the apparently great disproportionate increase in the attendance of Coloured children, which is a danger. While rendering a service to European, Colonel Crewe has at the same time prejudiced our position perhaps more than he actually intended, more than any honest man would consciously have done at this critical period (hear, hear).

He said his figures were absolutely correct. Granting that they are, I shall endeavour to show that they are as misleading as if they were absolutely false. He simply quoted whatever suited his purpose and left out of consideration other figures which are most essential in placing the relative positions of the two races in a true and impartial light is (a voice: Of course). He told his audience the number of children of the two races at school in 1801, but he quite forgot to mention what percentage of the population they formed. He said that there were 34,000 more Coloured than white children at school today; but he did not deem it necessary to tell the audience that according to the proportion of Coloured population we should have not 34,000, but 130,000, more than Europeans (a voice: He forgot).

Finally, he held up to them the depressing picture of 20,000 European children not attending school; but, alas! not one word about the quarter of a million Coloured children running wild in the streets or on the veld (Shame).

That is how the Colonial Secretary prejudiced our case by omitting to give all the figures, which are also to be found in the same reports from which he quoted so exclusively for his own purpose.

Now, sir, I beg you to be somewhat indulgent while I give you a few figures to show you the other side of the picture. Figures as a rule are very dry and wearying to an audience, but the following reveal such a deplorable state of affairs that, in defence of our cause, I feel justified in imposing upon your good nature.

1891 Total population ................. 1,527,224

Europeans ....................... 376,987

Coloured ........................ 1,150,273

Children of school age over five and under 15 years:

Children of At Read school age school and write

White ........................... 99,280 41,574 50.626

Coloured ........................ 316,152 40,411 19,875

                                       Read only Neither

                                       read or

                                       write    

White ........................... 8,857 39,568

Coloured ........................ 10,710 285,182

1904 Total population ................. 2,409,804

Europeans ....................... 579,741

Coloured ........................ 1,830,063

The school age, according to the Bill is from seven to 14 years, which form approximately one-fifth of the population. So that today there are:

Children of school age Actually at school

Europeans ....................... 115,948 64,554

Coloured ........................ 366,012 98,994

From the above, it will be seen that in 1891 (1) Europeans formed 24 per cent of the total population, while over 50 per cent, of the children at school were white; (2) that although there were only 41,000 Europeans at school, 50,000 could read and write; (3) that of the 40,000 Coloured children at school about 20,000 could read and write. 10,000 read only, and 10,000 neither read nor write; and (4) that there were 285,000 Coloured children who could neither read or write, and 275 Coloured children not at school (Shame).

Now, it will be noticed that since 1891 the European population has increased by 53 per cent, and the Coloured 58 per cent, and that Europeans still form about 24 per cent of the total population. So that out of every four children born in the colony, one is a European and three are Coloured, and consequently, if Europeans added 23,000 children to the schools between 1891 and 1904 the Coloured should have added 69,000 and not 38,000, as is the case.

The Colonial Secretary said his figures were absolutely correct. Well, sir, so far I have not questioned the accuracy of the figures, but have simply supplied what he omitted. Now, however, with due respect to the Colonial Secretary, I venture to say that the most important figures he gave us are absolutely wrong (a voice: They were intended to be). He said that the increase in the number of white children at school was 38,5 per cent and of Coloured 142.4 per cent. This is incorrect, and should be 55 per cent and 144 per cent respectively.

Naturally he went further and further astray when he said, " that the school attendance had increased enormously. But how? Not by the proportionate increase of the number of white children against the increase of the number of white inhabitants. " Now the white population increased by 53 per cent, and the white children at school by 55 per cent, which is the very opposite of what Colonel Crewe tried to impress upon his audience, for he concluded by saying that " the increase showed what an intense desire the Coloured and native population had for the advantages of education, and that was one of the reasons why they should insist upon compulsory education for Europeans " (Shame).

The audience cheered, for they accepted the Colonel Secretary's figures as being absolutely correct, and as sufficient evidence that there was a black peril even educationally.

The Colonel Secretary then made a discovery. He came to the conclusion that hitherto the native had been in a better position on the whole than the children of European descendants. He had received from the State in the form of grants to mission schools aid for which nothing was asked in return. Practically the State had given grants without any equivalent being received from the Coloured people themselves" (a voice: What rot!) . If that is so, sir, does it not appear somewhat inconsistent to tell us almost in the same breath that mission schools which must remain largely for the education of Coloured children must receive something more than the very small grants they had received from the Government up to now (hear, hear).

Well, let us see to what extent the Coloureds have contributed to their education. Now the total government grant to schools in 1903 amounted to £205,934, out of which £55,434, or about one-fourth, was spent on Coloured and the remaining three-fourths on white children. So far, then, Colonel Crewe was correct in saying that the grant to Coloured education is a miserable poor one; and I may add that unless it is considerably increased very little improvement can be anticipated. What, sir, is it that the State expects in return for this inadequate grant? I know of no other recompense than a more intelligent worker, a more enlightened citizen, and one capable of recognising his duties to the State and his fellow men, a citizen that will be a source of strength. It is not quite plain, however, what Colonel Crewe expects in return. Be that what it may, if he will inform us what Europeans have given in return for the £150,000 spent on them, we may be in a position to answer him. At the same time, he might also tell us to whom shall we pay the debt and what is his conception of a State, and whether we are included in his State? For it would appear from the Colonial Secretary's speech that the Coloureds have received something from Europeans without the latter asking a repayment, If, however, he means that we have not contributed on the pound for pound principle, then, alas! he shows that he is as ill informed on the question of local contribution as he is in his figures (cheers).

Inspector Murray, in 1893, reports as follows: In regard to mission schools in my circuit, I find that at most of them the fees are collected varying from 4d. to 2s per month, so that as a rule the people contributed one-third of the teachers' salaries, while in some cases fully one-half.

Now, such loose statements by Colonel Crewe, no matter for what good purpose, are greatly to be regretted; for we have already had some evidence of their evil effects. The other day a certain gentleman who occupies the dignified position of chairman of the local branch of the Imperial Union, apparently after having read Colonel Crewe's speech, and with the ostensible object of exalting his own position, went a little further and said that the Coloured people owe the whole of their education to the Progressives, and that were it not for the Progressives the South African College would not now be open to the Coloured (Hoots and derisive laughter). Our surprise is, not that the chairman should be so ignorant on such important points, but that our local members of parliament who were present should give their quiet assent to such misrepresentation.

Any one, sir, so bold as to venture an opinion on educational questions, though that be for the purpose of ingratiating one particular political party in the favour of the Coloured man should at least know that the South African College has long shut its doors to the Coloured;

and that it is not to the State, far less to the Progressives, but to the Christian Church that we owe our education. (Prolonged cheers).

The first question, Mr. Chairman, is not whether the State has received a return for the grant it has been making towards our education, but whether the State has carried out its duty in the matter of education. The present condition of our schools will ably answer that. The Superintendent-General of Education in his latest report says " the number of certificated teachers has increased throughout the whole Colony except in mission schools, where there is a decrease of 2.34 per cent, " in other words as far as our teachers are concerned we have retrogressed ( " shame " ), and as may reasonably be expected the attainments of the Coloured children have not improved during the last ten years or so. The report tells us that in Cape Town 43.4 per cent of the European children are in Standard I and below, while of the Coloured children 87.8 per cent are in that same Standard; further, there are 20.9 per cent of European and .05 per cent of Coloured children above Standard V (Cries of " Disgrace " ).

There were out of over 2,000 children present at inspection of mission schools in Cape Town, 22 in Standard IV, and three in Standard V. This unfavourable condition of the mission schools when compared with another report which I shall submit to you should be attributed not to the disinclination of parents to leave the children at school, nor to the intellectual incapacity of the children, but to the incompetence of the teachers and the neglect of the Government to do its moral duty.

The report I refer to is that of a school managed entirely by Coloured persons, the whole committee is composed of Coloured persons, and the Chairman of that Committee is none other than our chairman of tonight. The report that has been handed to me shows that out of a total of 128 children six are in Standard IV and 10 in Standard V. This is a distinct advance on the mission schools, very gratifying to us and a credit to the teachers. (Cheers).

The Superintendent-General's report goes on to say, " over-crowding continues " (mark, continues) "in the infant departments of St. Stephens, St. Marks, Frere-street, and Sir Lowry Road Schools. " What applies to Cape Town in this respect I may say obtains throughout the colony generally. I am informed that at certain mission schools in Cape Town there is not seating accommodation for all the children, so that one or two classes, are always kept waiting outside for an hour. (Cries of " Disgrace " and " Shame " .)

" The furniture, " proceeds the report, " is poor, desks being antiquated, clumsy and rickety, and the walls of the classrooms bare. "

Mr. Chairman, there is no necessity to dwell any longer on this miserable picture. It is one which does not reflect creditably upon the State.

It would be more appropriate to put the schools in a satisfactory condition than to talk of a reward; to look upon them with pity and commiseration than with fear and dread as to the future of Europeans. But, sir, while the State has failed in its duty to us, it is right that we should remind Europeans that every school in receipt of a Government grant is receiving a contribution out of the general revenue, to which white and Coloured contribute alike (cheers);

Now, had these schools been open for us, as the chairman of the Imperial Union said, your sons, Mr. Chairman, would not be thousands of miles away from you tonight. Mr. Jabavu's son would not have been driven from home; my brothers would not have had to leave the country of their birth to seek education elsewhere. ( " Shame " .) The fact is, sir, there are sons of South African Coloured men in India, Egypt, England and America, because the doors are shut to them in their native land. Yes, while schools are open to us in every country in the world, those that are being kept up at our expense at home are the only ones from which we are debarred. What a difference in the association raised up in the mind of European and Coloured by the term " home " .

Again, sir, the South African College receives not only a Government grant out of the general revenue, but also a direct contribution of £1,000 from our local rates (cries of "Shame"). Consequently every European who is educated at that Institute must remember that he is being educated at the expense and sweat of the Coloured man. It refuses to admit us within its walls, but it accepts our hard-earned contribution without any qualms. (Here considerable commotion occurred, and it was some time before the cheering stopped.)

We are excluded from that institution not because we are disloyal, not because it has been proved that we are inferiorly endowed and unfit for higher education, but because, although sons of the soil. God's creatures, and British subjects, we are after all black. (Applause).

It is well that Europeans should be reminded that we are not only paying for our own education, but also for theirs. (Cheers).

Mr. Chairman, Colonel Crewe then proceeded to say " that now that they are going to enforce the £ for £ principle in the case of Europeans, surely the natives and Coloured people themselves must recognise that they should pay something towards their own education. " The audience cheered again. Evidently they accepted the Colonial Secretary's statement that we do not pay for our education, and we may safely infer that they were just as uninformed as the Chairman of the Cape Town branch of the Imperial Union. (Hear, hear).

Now, sir, if the £ for £ principle would be enforced in the case of Europeans, we could not possibly ask for exemption. But will it or can it be applied in terms of the Bill? I think not; at any rate, not in the case of Europeans. According to Section 53 of the Bill the Department out of funds voted for that purpose by Parliament would defray the whole of the cost of educating European children whose parents are unable to pay any fees. Again, according to Section 70, any excess in the estimated expenditure of any school will be paid half by the Government and half out of the local rates. How then the Colonial Secretary will be able to enforce his for principle in the case of Europeans is difficult to apprehend. (A voice: " He will not do it. " ).

Mr. Chairman, there are many excellent points in the Bill, but these good things are solely reserved for European children. I should like to direct your attention to the few sections, and they are very few, that deal particularly with Coloured children.

CONSTITUTION OF THE SCHOOL BOARD

The School Board will be formed as follows: - (1) One-third of the members is to be nominated by the Governor; (2) one-third will be nominated by the Divisional or Municipal Council as the case may be; (3) and the remaining third will be elected by the parents of children at undenominational schools and the guarantors.

Now, Sir, this School Board, like all other School Boards in other parts of the world, will be, besides other things, a rating body, and it will have the power to levy a special rate or demand a lump sum annually out of the local rates. It will therefore administer public funds, and consequently it should be elected by the people and be responsible to the people. It rests upon the principle of no taxation without representation, in other words, those who pay for the education, whether they have children at school or not, should be represented on the Board.

There are people who would try to persuade themselves to think otherwise, but the fact remains that the Board is a rating body, and the proper and just way of electing the members is by a popular election. According to the Bill, however, the Governor will nominate one-third of the members. This probably means that the members will be nominated by the Superintendent-General of Education and the Government for the time being, and receive the Governor's formal assent. This, I fear, would be the means of introducing a political element into the question. If, however, the Government should insist upon nominating this one-third, I think it would be better first to establish what should be known as Advisory Council, composed of the first educationists in the Colony. This body of men, in the ordinary nature of things, would be more competent to nominate the best men. (Cheers).

There is perhaps a stronger reason why I think one may agree to the nomination of one-third by the Governor. We should bear in mind that the Board will deal not only with elementary education, but also with secondary education. It is, however, absolutely necessary in the interest of education that the best men should be elected to deal with the important and complex questions which must necessarily arise from time to time, and should it so happen that the best men are for some trivial reason rejected at the election, or fearing a defeat at the polls refuse to contest an election, the Advisory Council will step in and nominate such men. (Hear, hear).

If the Board had to deal only with elementary education then we should certainly say an ad hoc election is the only proper way of electing the Board. But as the Board will deal with secondary education also, we may agree to one-third being nominated by Advisory Council, but certainly not by any single person nor by a party Government. Now, another third is to be nominated by the Divisional or Municipal Council, either from the councillors or from persons not members of Council. To this I have a very strong objection. Councillors in the very areas where a great deal of work will have to be done, that is in areas where there is a great number of schools, are already over-worked, and it would be quite impossible for them to attend to their private business, to Municipal affairs, and also to devote any time to Educational matters.

It may not be impossible to find a few leisured men, but they will be the exception. In all probability the Council will select men outside the Council. In that case there is no reason why such members should not be elected direct by the ratepayers.

Again, it is the greatest mistake to mix up Municipal with Educational questions. Take for instance, the late election. The issue, upon which the election was fought, as we all know, was the water question. Now had there been an education question also, it is quite possible that one or both would have suffered. Probably the water question would have obscured the education question altogether.

I think, Sir, it is absolutely essential in the interest of Municipal Government and education that the two questions should be kept entirely separate, and that the one-third instead of being nominated by the Council, should be elected by the ratepayers.

The remaining third is to be elected by the parents of children whose names are on the books of undenominational schools, and poor Farm Schools, and by guarantors of £2 annually.

This I have no hesitation in saying is wrong in principle. It must be remembered that many of the parents whose children's names are on the books for the time being, will not pay a penny in fees. The Bill compels the attendance of every European child of school age, but there is absolutely nothing whereby you can demand a farthing in fees. Indeed, you cannot have compulsion without free education to some extent. (Hear, hear).

The whole of the cost of educating those European children whose parents are unable to pay will be defrayed by the Government, and yet these parents will have a vote in electing one-third of the members, while ratepayers whose children are educated outside the area or in denominational schools, or who have no children, will be rated but have no direct vote in electing those who will have the power of levying the rate.

Further, why should a Coloured parent, whose child must attend the mission school, as Colonel Crewe said, have no vote and yet be rated for the benefit of European children. We admit that it is the duty of the State to give every child an opportunity of obtaining a good sound education, even to the extent of making it free up to a certain standard, but it is unjust that a large ratepayer should in many instances have one vote, and a non-fee paying two. (Cries of " Shame. " )

There is something radically wrong with this part of the Bill. (Hear, hear).

Therefore I think, sir, that two-thirds of the members should be elected by the ratepayers, because the Board is a rating body and will administer public funds; and those who bear the burden should be represented.

Mr. Chairman, we find that according to Section 34, the School Board will have power to found schools. We must, however, keep in mind that education will be made compulsory for Europeans, and the Board will consequently proceed to build schools for them. Colonel Crewe told us that £60,000 will be set aside for that purpose; and I feel confident that very little if any of that sum will be available for Coloured children.

Section 35 compels the School Board within three months of its first meeting to take over all the European Schools in the district, together with the assets and liabilities, that is, the School Boards take over all the existing debts on European schools. (A voice: " And we shall have to pay. " )

At present the School Committee are responsible for half of the total expenditure in connection with schools under their direct control; but according to Section 56 of this Bill, no member of the School Board shall be required to give, to enter into any guarantee for or undertake to pay the salary of any teacher or any other expenses incurred or to be incurred. You may rightly ask how is this to be paid? Well, according to Section 70 any excess of expenditure over the income shall be paid one-half by the Government and the other half shall be a charge on our local rates. This is very important in view of Colonel Crewe's statement that mission schools must remain largely for the Coloured people. These schools receive a fixed grant, which is quite inadequate to be of any material value for educational purposes, and consequently our education will be strictly in proportion to the miserably small grants made to these Mission schools. On the other hand, there is no limit to the amount that may be spent on Europeans; there is no necessity to insist on fees; no guarantors are required. But in our case a small fixed grant is made; in theirs the Government will contribute one-half of the estimated expenditure and whatever deficit there may be in the other half it will be met by the Government and the Town Council in equal proportion. Surely we may with justification say that we will be taxed for the education of Europeans.

Let us now see what provision has been made for us in the Bill. In the first place, there are only three sections which deal with the Coloured people; and alas! they are quite enough; for instead of affording opportunities for higher education they rob us of facilities we have at the present moment and place almost insurmountable obstacles in the way of progress.

Take Section 42. It reads as follows: " Should the people of other than European extraction in a school district desire to have established for their children a school or schools of a higher grade than that of a mission school, they shall first approach the School Board of the district by petition signed by at least ... parents of children of other than European parentage and descent residing in the district, and thereafter the School Board of the district shall communicate such desire to the Department which, in conjunction with the School Board for the district, shall proceed to establish such school which shall be managed subject to the control of the School Board by a Committee elected as provided in Clause 39."This section at first glance and read by itself appears quite clear in meaning. It tells us that whenever we desire a higher grade school we have simply to send in to the School Board a petition signed by a certain number of parents, and the Board whether it likes it or not shall forward such petition to the Department who shall without question proceed to build such a school.

It would appear that a school being under the control of the Board that it would be managed upon the same basis as European schools, that is, the Government and the Town Council would make up the deficit conjointly.

If that were the true meaning of the clause, then there would be very little to complaint about. But when viewed in the light of Colonel Crewe's speech at Kimberley, it is not so convincing. At Kimberley he told us that if we want higher education we must pay for it, and that he would insist on the £ for 10s principle.

The question then is will he demand from us one-third of the expenditure, when in the case of Europeans no such guarantee will be necessary; and, further, how will he carry it into effect? I think we shall probably find that the school fees will be fixed so high as to make it almost impossible for us to carry on such a school, in which case we shall be no better off than at present. It should also be borne in mind that the number of children who would attend such a school during the first few years of its opening will in all probability be very so small consequently the fees to cover one-third of the whole expenditure must necessarily be very high, if not altogether prohibitive.

There' is another confusing point in the clause. What constitutes a school of a higher grade than that of mission schools? Will children below Standard IV be admitted, or must they first pass through the mission schools? That is a very important point and should be cleared up by the Colonial Secretary; for if it means that the school shall be only for pupils who shall have passed Standard IV, and then the prospective arrangements for the education of the Coloureds are distinctly retrogressive. And the colonial Secretary's speech points in that ominous direction, for he plainly said that the mission schools must remain for our elementary education. ( " Shame. " )

Further, at Kimberley Colonel Crewe said that the schools for higher education of the Coloureds will be managed solely by Coloured people; yet we find in the Bill that the Managing Committee shall be formed by the School Board, who must always have a majority. In fact there is not a clause in the Bill whereby a Coloured person can claim a seat on the Committee.

Finally, Sir, according to Section 67, any school district in which exists a Managing Committee as provided for clause 42 and 43 and in which there is sufficient and suitable school accommodation for children of other than European parentage or extraction, it shall be lawful for the School Board to resolve to make school attendance compulsory for such children; and this having been done, it shall be lawful to take in regard to such children all the subsequent procedure provided in this Act in reference to the compulsory attendance of children of European parentage or extraction; provided that the Managing Committee shall always have passed a resolution in favour of such procedure.

Compulsion therefore in the case of Coloured can be enforced only after a Managing Committee for the purpose of carrying on a high grade school has been formed, and after sufficient accommodation has been provided.

Now, it seems strange that before we can get compulsory education, we must first show that we are able to support a high grade school, although there may be accommodation for twice the number of children in the district.

It should also be kept in mind that the Committee, who must pass a resolution in favour of compulsory education for Coloured children, is composed of a majority of School Board members elected by European parents.

Well, as I said before the conditions or rather restrictions under which a higher grade school is obtainable, are such as to preclude the prospects of establishing such a school in the near future, and consequently under the present Bill. I assert without the hazard of contradiction that compulsory education for Coloured children is as far off as the Greek Kalends.

I trust, however, Mr. Chairman, that clause 42 may be differently interpreted. We must all sincerely hope that the higher grade schools will be open to children below Standard IV as is the case in all European schools.

The question whether such schools will or will not admit children below Standard IV, is to my mind the most vital point in the whole Bill in regard to the Coloured child.

It is a point that should be cleared up without further delay; for, in my opinion, the admission of our children below Standard IV, to the higher grade schools will more than anything else tend to the elevation of the Coloured people.

If that is the correct interpretation of section 42, then, sir, as we are ever ready to criticize, I trust we shall not fail to express our gratitude to the Government for this beneficial legislative Act.

In conclusion, I thank you for the indulgent and attentive manner you have listened to me, and I trust that we shall be able to inform you at an early date what we have done. (Dr Abdurahman resumed his seat amidst rounds of applause).

A resolution of Mr. N. Veldsman that a deputation wait upon the Colonial Secretary to obtain further information on Section 42 and 67, which specially apply to Coloured children, was carried unanimously.

P.S. - The deputation accordingly waited on Colonel Crewe, who with great reluctance admitted that the higher grade schools as provided for in the Bill will not be open to children below Standard IV.