Say It out Loud - The 1923 Presidential Address, Cape Town, 3rd April, 1923

From the book: Say It out Loud by Mohamed Adhikari

The 1923 Presidential Address, Cape Town, 3rd April, 1923 ¹

Two years have gone by since our last Conference, and in that brief period so many great events of tragic importance to us have occurred that it will be quite impossible for me to deal with all of them in detail. It will, therefore, be advisable for me to consider a few of those great problems, which have formed the staple subjects of discussion in the Press.

In my last presidential address you will remember that I treated exhaustively the position of the non-European races as it existed prior to and subsequent to the Union. However, in order to obtain a clear perspective view of our past and present conditions, I might at the outset be permitted to direct your attention to an impressionist picture of the days of Johan van Riebeeck. For in his days the problems, which now concern us, had their origin. On his landing as the Cape of Good Hope he was confronted with the Native question. That was the chief difficulty he had to face. He had to win the favour of the Natives and to practise what in this country has always since been talked of in white politics as " conciliates " ; but the talking has been always on one side, and the "conciliate" has always meant, for the Coloured races, acceptance of servitude. Now Van Riebeeck's policy of " conciliatie " of the Hottentots was to give them bread, rice and brandy, while robbing them of their cattle and driving them off their land. The Hottentots, we read, were very fond of music, and that Van Riebeeck used to play on the claversingel in his room for the pleasure of the natives who squatted on the mat. What an idyllic picture that is! Here is a companion picture extracted from Van Riebeeck's journal: "On Sunday afternoon, after the sermon, they (the Natives), were also treated with food and liquor, whilst a tub filled with a mixture of arrack and brandy was set open in the middle of the square within the fort, with a small sailor's cup in it, out of which they drank themselves so drunk that one beheld the strangest antics in the world ... At one time one, at another time another fell down through drunkenness, and were picked up by those not so far gone, carried outside the fort, and laid on the grass to sleep. "

HOPE IN THE CAPE

We need not follow the story of the relations between European and non-European through all the tortuous intrigues of South Africa's history. Suffice it to say that the struggle "never ending, still beginning" has been singularly one-sided, but is, we trust, nearing the period of the last desperate conflict. Since Van Riebeeck's days there was a period of bitter struggle, then followed a period of comparative tranquility and hopefulness in the Cape. The latter period extended from 1854 to 1910, during which years the non-European races enjoyed political privileges. But with the exception of that half-century the policy of Van Riebeeck has been steadily, vigorously and relentlessly followed even down to last year, when the small remnants of the Hottentots in S.W. Africa were goaded into rebellion by their inability or unwillingness to pay a dog tax of £410s., and were then bombed by aeroplane and driven into the desert, to die of hunger and thirst. In order to condone this unbridled lust for murder on the part of the whites, we notice that the Administrator of S.W. Africa is now idly busy in framing excuses to justify the horrible slaughter.

DURING TWENTY YEARS

However, in considering the present position of non-Europeans I shall confine myself to a study of the days subsequent to the Anglo-Boer War. To get a clear grasp of the movements during the years 1902-1923,we may with advantage divide the years into these distinct periods:

(a) From the Anglo-Boer War to the inauguration of the Union (1902-1910).

(b) From the Union to the Great War (1910-1914).

(c) From that year to the present time.

The first period, it will be noted, may be characterised as that of the great betrayal of the Coloured races. Prior to the Anglo-Boer War their grievances were exploited by the Uitlanders, who, when they had achieved their own ends, cowardly abandoned our cause, and even joined forces with our traditional persecutors, and helped to make our position worse than it was. Before the Anglo-Boer War almost every trade in the Transvaal was open to Coloured people, who earned high wages and were able to live in comfort. But after the war one notes the advent of the white artisan with his Trade Unions, from which the non-European was rigidly excluded. This has resulted in the non-European being regarded from that date as an unskilled worker.

During the second period, from the Act of Union to the great world war, the non-European of the Cape has been without his political rights, which were filched from him by the iniquitous Union Act, which, without any justification, robbed us of rights that we had enjoyed and honestly and honourably used for nearly half a century. The Act traduced the memory of our great and beloved Queen, and to this day smirches the fair fame of the land, and is a dirty smudge on the statutes of the country. Union has brought no relief to our people in the north; while it reduced us in the Cape to political helotage. The Act proves that the plighted words of our statesmen, the oft-reiterated pledges they made to us were worth less than a scrap of German paper, and it has driven us to distrust every promise that whites can utter.

Abdurahman as a young doctor in Cape Town

THE GREAT WAR

With the outbreak of the Great War we once again entertained high hopes that our rights would receive recognition. We proved to the world that, despite our unjust political subjugation, despite the insults daily hurled at us, despite the condition of industrial serfdom in which we laboured, our people were ready to respond to the call with other non-European races in the Empire. The response was prompt and universal. It was based on that sense of loyalty to the Empire that fills the breast of every Coloured man, who was fired with the earnest hope that the Allies would prevail and that the protection of small nationalities would be not only a blazing emblem on their military banners, but would become the heritage and possession of every people, of every class, and creed and colour.

In our recognition of Imperial responsibilities we showed ourselves keener than the most privileged classes of the Union. In no boastful spirit do we make such an assertion. We do not desire to exploit the deeds of the heroes of our race who gave their lives for their country and Empire. Yet it should be remembered that 25,000 of our people formed the Cape Corps. Bearing in mind that our Coloured population was then estimated at 500,000, and in order to get 25,000 men fit to bear arms, at least 100,000 must have presented themselves, it will readily be seen, therefore, that the record of the Cape Coloured people far exceeds that of the Europeans of South Africa.

What is more to our credit is that the non-Europeans kept the mines, farms and factories in full swing. They did not go on strike, nor did they take advantage of the critical position prevailing in the country, and start "five bob" rebellions. They did nothing but what redounds to their honour and glory, while one section of their oppressors did an act that tarnished the country's honour and stamped that section of the people with the guilt of national turpitude and treason. But what has been the reward of our following the path of duty and honour? What gain has accrued to us? No sooner was the war over than our women, not only Native women but Coloured women also of respectable family and parentage, were flung into the vile prisons of the Free State, and subjected to inhumanly harsh treatment. That was the reward we received for our respect for race honour and Empire loyalty. Can anyone mention any single advantage we gained for helping in the cause of the Allies? " Our men, " as Colonel Hoy admitted, "were worthy of wearing the King's uniform." But alas! Our statesmen do not think we are worthy of being freed from political bondage and wearing the garb of free citizenship. What a disillusionment of all our hopes!

THE IMMEDIATE PAST

Since our last Conference, no signs of progress have been vouchsafed us. The political outlook is still dark for us. Nowhere have statesmen given an indication that they will voluntarily, and on their own initiative, wipe the colour blot from our Constitution. On the contrary, we have convincing evidence that when the opportunity arises the pernicious Colour bar will be extended to Rhodesia. In that country up to the present there has been no political discrimination between Black and White. The principle of political equality, which prevailed in the Cape in 1854 on the introduction of representative government, and again in 1872 when responsible government was established, has marked the government of Rhodesia up to the present. In January of last year a Draft Constitution, making provision for the introduction of responsible government in Southern Rhodesia, was published. That Constitution left the political rights of the non-European untouched, and further provided that "any law which places any disability on any non-European which does not equally apply to Europeans must be reserved by the Governor and shall and must before it becomes operative receive the sanction of the Secretary of State of the Imperial Parliament " . This is virtually a grave reflection on white South Africa. It plainly implies that the Imperial Government has not at the present moment that faith and confidence in white South Africa which would justify its handing over to this country any more subject races without adequate safeguards.

A SILVER LINING

This feeling of mistrust is more than justified in the light of the conduct of the Union authorities in their dealing with South-West Africa, which everyone will admit, in spite of the specious pleadings of the Administrator, has been characterised by callous brutality and barbaric methods. We must indeed be thankful that the attempt to bring Rhodesia into the Union has failed. Had it been successful, then the political Colour bar would have been extended to that Province, and the non-European inhabitants, who today live under as liberal a Constitution as we did in the Cape prior to the Union, would have been forced into the same condition of political serfdom that we today endure. The terms of admission of Rhodesia into the Union included a provision that only those of European descent should be eligible for election to the Union Parliament. White Rhodesia did not reject the Union's terms because of their containing such a provision. In fact, it is not they who are responsible for the present liberal franchise obtaining in Rhodesia. That is the work of the Imperial Government. Nevertheless, we are gratified that the Union's terms were rejected, and that we are still free from being forced to witness the extension of the odious principle of political inferiority based on colour to other parts of South Africa.

Here then we see that while we are still carrying on our arduous struggle for the deletion of the Colour bar from the Act of Union, the members of our Legislature are endeavouring to extend its baneful influence to other parts of South Africa. That is the reward we receive for our devotion to the country, for our patriotism, for our service and loyalty. The blood of many of our best has fertilised the world's soil for the benefit of the whites, and lo! We are told that degradation is our reward and helotage our lot. No wonder our patience is almost exhausted.

If we may sum up the record of white South Africa from 1902 to 1923, we may, in the words of William Watson, behold

" Her of the shameless faithless word,

The pledges disowned, the covenants torn,

She who prates of honour, truth and trust,

While she befouls them in the dust. "

EDUCATION

Let me now say a few words about education, and I shall preface this part of my address with the remark that we are not wholly devoid of gratitude for the little that has been accomplished for our good. We admit that the Cape Province has made some attempts to provide educational facilities for the non-European child. But if we glance beyond the boundaries of the Cape we cannot but be sadly disappointed by the outlook in the other provinces.

It is universally acknowledged that education is the chief factor in the uplift of humanity. That seems to be taken as applicable only to the fortunate whites. But unless the authorities open their eyes, they will ere long have a revelation that will prove startling to them. Ignorance is the worst affliction of mankind. It is the precursor and parent of all disease and vice. It brings ruin and disaster as surely as night follows day, and woe to the nation that allows any section of its youths to grow up in the darkness of ignorance. The result of the present lack of education for the Coloured child is bound to end in disaster. The whole moral fibre of the country will suffer if the vast majority of its children are allowed to grow up in ignorance; and this is what is being done in South Africa.

The educational statistics reveal a frightful state of affairs. The expenditure in the Union on education for the year 1922-23 amounts to £6,617,163, out of which £567,508 was spent on Coloured and Native education. That means that though the Coloured and Native children outnumber the whites in the ratio of about 5 ­ 1, the amounts expended on the respective sections were in the ratio of about 11 ­ 1. Put into other words, it means that for every £1 spent on the education of the white child, less than five pence was spent on a Coloured or Native child. That calculation is, however, based on the statistics for the whole Union. If the Free State were taken by itself, the expenditure on education was £814,700 for whites and £5,300 for Natives. That on the same principle of calculation would mean that for every £1 spent on the education of a white child, less than halfpenny is spent on the Native child. Judging from these figures, one may safely assert that if knowledge provides the wings whereby we fly to heaven, the northern Provinces are doing their best to prevent the Coloured child from winging its; way upward, and to make its fall into the other world as rapid as possible.

It would be absurd on our part to object to the expenditure lavished on the European child. We hope that South Africa will one day reap the benefit accruing to an educated community. We expect that an educated white South Africa will in time be more liberal towards us than are the present half-educated, and, in many instances, wholly uneducated representatives of the mediaeval ages that inhabit our country. South Africa, however, cannot achieve any permanent greatness when she permits the vast majority of her children ­ even if they are non-Europeans ­ to grow up without the faintest chance of ever seeing even the outside of a school building during their school-going years. Surely the time has come when in the interest of the State as a whole every child should be given an equal chance in life. That can, of course, only be attained by the equalisation of opportunities, by the removal of barriers based solely on colour of skin, and by the fullest provision being made for the education of every child in the Union. Such a scheme will make the best of our citizens. It will be directed towards the production of a community each and all of whose members will strive rationally for the progress of their country, and the development of the best civic life; it will prevent the growth of crime. Any increase in the number of schools, any improvement in the educational methods will lessen the expenditure on reformatories and prisons and will decrease the number of cruel and brutal policemen and of Coloured-prejudiced Magistrates. Hence no State expenditure on education is wasteful, but is money well spent. Money expended on education always produces an abundant harvest of industrial progress, and social virtue; of community happiness and domestic bliss; of life interest and humanitarian advance. On the contrary, the lack of education is the main factor that brings about South Africa's inability to compete with other countries successfully both here and abroad. Our artisans are not sufficiently educated. Modern industrialism requires a high standard of intelligence on the part of the worker, and the intelligence of the worker can only be developed by a good general education given him in his earliest years.

Our country is clamouring for overseas markets, while its best market is right at home. Educate the people, encourage them to have a fuller life, give scope to their legitimate aspirations, and you will find the best market for the greater part of our produce amongst our own people. An educated man has wider interests, worthier and more abounding pleasures, greater wants, and is more capable of providing his life necessities.

THE POLITICAL SITUATION

But it seems to me that we have little hope of securing the blessings of education until we have gained our political freedom. So far we have endeavoured to attain that freedom to which every human being is justly entitled by constitutional methods. Let us consider for a moment the political condition of South Africa as far as regards our aims, our hopes and ourselves. In spite of the powers granted to the Transvaal and the Free State after 1902 to consider the question of granting political rights to non-Europeans no attempt was made on the grant of responsible government to those Colonies to free us from political bondage. On the contrary, the old Republic spirit seems to have hardened during that period, and so far there has not been evident the faintest inclination on the part of Transvaalers or Free Staters to relax the relentless rigour of political servitude under which our people live; and as regards the Cape we unhesitatingly declare that no man who appended his signature to the Union Act of South Africa can honourably pride himself on such a step. When he thinks of what he has done to the vast majority of the people of South Africa by depriving them of the rights, which they had held for more than half a century, and which they had exercised with scrupulous rectitude, he must hang his head in shame and contrition.

Yet Parliament has given no indication of any honest attempt to remove the colour bar from the Constitution, The timorous and selfish inactivity of those whom we helped to put into Parliament is no credit to their manliness. Indeed, Parliament seems to be composed of men who are deficient in the necessary courage and ability, which would enable them to fulfil their platform pledges. We suppose they will need some external stimulus to make them move in the matter. To supply that stimulus it will be recalled that last year we presented a petition to Parliament asking for a restitution of those rights, which had been ingloriously filched, from us by the accursed Act of 1910, and for an extension of political freedom to our fellows in the rest of the Union. 50,000 people signed that petition. It was our intention to deliver it to the Prime Minister on the steps of the House. Every preparation was made therefore, but owing to the disturbances on the Rand, and out of deference to the authorities, we abandoned the demonstration. There was an inordinate waste of time in the House of Assembly, and the petition received no consideration whatever. Another petition, signed by the Executive of the African People's Organisation, is a verbatim copy of last year's petition. It has been presented to Parliament, and is now receiving consideration.

SACRIFICES FOR FREEDOM

Let me say here that our modest request can no longer be denied without grave danger to the State. There are among us many men equal in intelligence and education to the majority of Europeans. I say this after having carefully studied the educational attainment of both peoples. Our request is a legitimate one. We have nearly exhausted every constitutional method we can think of to regain what we have lost in political freedom, and if the sacrifices we have made in helping to build up this country ­ and without those sacrifices God knows it would be a miserably undeveloped country ­ are to go unrequited, if the response made by us to the urgent call for our help in the Great War is to be unrecognised, if Parliament refuses to give a favourable reply to our petition, then we are driven to the inevitable conclusion that we have been and are being fooled, tricked and cheated; and that the promises of our public men are unreliable, unstable as water, and unworthy of the traditional honour of an Englishman. We are loath to think thus. But we cannot do otherwise. We are, however, determined that we shall not be kept in political bondage much longer. No human being with any sense of manly self-respect can submit to political servitude. We pay taxes and we are unrepresented in Parliament. We have no word to say on the expenditure of public funds which we assist to raise. For centuries it has been a recognised principle that there can be no taxation without representation. To that principle we have given allegiance, and we should never rest content until that principle is applied in South Africa without regard to colour or creed. It is too late to give up the cause on which we have embarked. We would be cowards if we did. We would deserve to be treated forever as caitiffs and miscreants and industrial serfs if we sit quiet any longer under the stigma of political helots.

If we fail to move Parliament to grant our just demand, then we must seriously consider what further action we should take. There are many in our own ranks that would dare anything to become free men and free women.

COLOUR BAR DIVISION

The colour bar has cleft South Africa into two irreconcilable camps. The one lords it over the other; and the one deems itself secure and happy, the other becoming daily more resentful and revengeful. This state of affairs cannot continue indefinitely; but it has to continue but little longer, when a rude awakening will startle the community.

The temper of non-Europeans is now such that it is imperative that something should be done, and that something means nothing less than the deletion of the colour bar from the Act of Union.

Neither Boer nor Briton would tolerate for 12 hours what we have endured for 12 years. If the other deprived either of his political rights, there would be a bloody war within less than 12 hours. Yet both successfully conspired to rob us of our birthright. We are the sons of men who exercised the Parliamentary franchise from the day that it was given to Europeans in the Cape, and now we are expected to sit quietly in political fetters listening to the clank of the chains that bind us. We are cowards if we tolerate this any longer. Who is there who will dare to contend that we have not by our patient industry, steady loyalty in days of turmoil and warfare, and by our civic patriotism, proved that the grant of full political rights was not more than merited?

We hope that we shall not be forced to try other than constitutional methods to obtain our freedom. If our statesmen have a fraction of the prescience that should characterise anyone with a small modicum of intelligence met with in a Parliamentarian, there should be no need for us to adopt drastic methods of industrial warfare. Should we be forced to put into practice the weapons of industrial warfare, and if we were organised we could bring the country to a panic in 24 hours. We hope such a step will not be necessary.

THE INDUSTRIAL POSITION

Our greatest enemy in the industrial world is organised white labour. In the Transvaal white unions have successfully placed an almost impenetrable wall round the skilled trades, and have hounded every Coloured man outside it into the unskilled ranks: White workers now hold a monopoly of the trades, and non-Europeans are only tolerated so long as they aspire to nothing higher than the position of unskilled workers. But what could be done if we are all organised? We hear much about the wickedness of capitalists, and to combat which there must be solidarity of the workers; but alas! The greatest exploiters of Coloured labour on the Rand are the white workers, and their solidarity has resulted in our being kept down an unskilled work. A position, which we should not tolerate much longer.

POLICE AND COURTS OF LAW

It is again my painful duty to draw attention to the brutal and cruel handling of Coloured prisoners by white constables, who are recruited from a people whose traditional policy of treating non-Europeans renders them utterly unfit for the positions of keepers of law and order. With respect to Magistrates, while some of them are worthily dispensing justice with an equal balance, non-Europeans have to a large extent lost all faith in our Courts of Law; and that loss of confidence, sad to say, has not stopped even at higher Courts.

BEYOND THE UNION

Now if you look at the position of the non-European outside the Union, you must admit that mandated territories are today not being ruled in accordance with the declaration of the Allies that countries should be governed with due regard and respect being given to the wishes and interests of the Native inhabitants. Even this morning the Administrator of S.W. Africa told us that there are 30,000,000 hecta of good grazing land for European settlement. Yet this same Administrator refuses to hand back to the Rehoboth's an inch of their land, which was taken from them by the Germans.

In Kenya the Indian is despised and loathed, although India helped to conquer East Africa. From every mandated territory comes the same news of oppression. Indeed, the Natives are everywhere being taxed to work for white settlers.

THE PROSPECTS

What are the immediate prospects of any relief for us from our galling restrictions? We are convinced that one unerring method to secure redress of grievances still remains for us to adopt. It lies in the industrial organisation of all our works. It is a weapon, which we trust we shall not be forced to adopt, but we may assure the authorities of this land that we have almost reached that stage of the conflict when we shall out of self-defense be driven to its use. If we do, it may bring temporary untold disaster on the country. We have it in our power to hold up the country industrially. If our men, after due and complete organisation, refuse any longer to be the manual drudges and political slaves they have been in the past, if they say that they will no longer accept the position of outcast workers in any sphere, then the farms will remain uncultivated, the mines will close down, the factories will cease work, and the domestic idyllic idleness of the white dames of society will end. This is no threat. It is a warning given with the hope that the necessity of its enforcement may not arise.

We have found a few friends amongst the public men of this country. We desire to thank them gratefully for their support of our cause; and at the same time we leave to them to sound the signal of danger if the colour-prejudiced statesmen of the day persist in continuing to shake the chains of slavery and clank the manacles of political serfdom any longer. The day of our freedom must soon dawn. We hope the present is but the darkness that precedes the dawn, and that the immediate future will begin with an era of peace and prosperity for the country, when Black and white shall together loyally and in mutual friendship work together for the good of all.

However, I must finally warn Europeans, not only of the Union, but also of Africa, that if they persist in their insensate folly of repressing the African, then they will awaken the nationality of Colour, which is still dormant, but which will eventually emerge from continued persecution. There will arise a holy Colour-bond of which the watchword will be freedom and independence. Egypt has struck the first note. In a few short years she will have thrown off the foreign yoke and will then carry the flag of liberty throughout the whole of Africa. There will then arise the cry "Africa for Africans," because the principle of beneficent conquest has proved un utter failure. Then, just as the past witnessed a great scramble by Europeans for land in Africa, so the future will see a great white scuttle out of Africa.

It must be the fervent prayer of every one of us, white as well as Black, that such a catastrophe will not befall South Africa. Non-Europeans need the helping hand, guidance and direction of the Europeans. It is in their power to make it a great country where both Colours may live in peace and prosperity. We shall do our best to help them in this arduous work, and we pray that it will prove a success in the end.