From: South Africa's Radical Tradition, a documentary history, Volume Two 1943 - 1964, by Allison Drew
Document 46 - D. Tloome, "The Origin and Development of Non-European Trade Unions", lecture delivered to the Johannesburg Discussion Club on 27 February 1953, Viewpoints and Perspectives. L 1,21 February 1953
[”¦.] Current Position of Non-European Trade Unions A survey of Non-European Trade Unions discloses that a period of decline is overtaking these Trade Unions. And, in my opinion, this is due to the fact that the entire trade union movement has failed to come out as a militant movement capable of giving the workers tope for the future. The tendency among some trade unions, of both black and white workers, is to keep exclusively to economic demands of the workers and leave their political ignorance to unscrupulous politicians. This tendency has led the workers to believe and regard the trade unions as instruments for taking up complaints and preparing workers demands for the next sitting of the Industrial Council of the Wage Board. The fact that a militant trade union movement, fearlessly taking up those issues, both economic and political, which are keeping down the workers in political ignorance and by exploitation, can become the vanguard and the hope for a better life for all workers, is not imagined by some trade unionists.
According to information available, Non-European trade unions fall under four heads, namely, (a) Non-European Trade Unions independent of unions of other races. (b) Non-European Trade Unions under the supervision of registered Trade Unions, (c) Unions supervised by the S.A. Railways & Harbours Administration, (d) Non-EuropeÂans who are members of inter-racial Unions.
Van-European Trade Unions Independent of Unions of Other Race 32 African Trade Unions fall within this group, the geographical distribution being as follows: -
Johannesburg 21 Pretoria 1 Durban 4
Cape Town 2 Port Elizabeth 3. East London 1
It is clear from these facts that a good number of unions have gone out of existence since 1942, which in effect means that many industries still remain unorganised.
Non-European Trade Unions Under the Supervision of Registered Unions Quite a good few Non-European Trade Unions are operating under the supervision of Registered Unions. Such unions are found in industries like Printing, Clothing, Furniture, Sweet, Textile and Laundry industries. Unfortunately figures for geographical distribution are not readily available.
Union Supervised by the S.A- Railways & Harbours Administration There is an Association of Non-European staff of the S.A. Railways & Harbours Administration in existence, with branches in Pretoria, Durban, Johannesburg, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, Kimberley and Bloemfontein. This association was established by the administration as a counter to the independent and militant union known as the S.A. Railways Harbours and Airport workers Union, with Head Quarters in Cape Town. At best it can be said that this association is nothing more than a Company Union.
Sun-Europeans who are Members of Inter-Racial Unions
The Industrial Legislation Commission's investigations disclosed that there were twelve such African Trade Unions, seven of which were situated in Port Elizabeth, four in Cape Town and one in Johannesburg. Those in Port Elizabeth were affiliated to the one federation and had the same secretary. Although the Department of Labour took see that African Members were separated from the entire membership of the other races, it is claimed that the four Cape Town unions took no such steps to have the is removed from their membership rolls. The Johannesburg one is the Garment workers' Union which has a branch including approximately 1 600 African women members who, in terms of the judgement of the Supreme Court fall within the meaning of term employee" in the Industrial Conciliation Act.
The position of African Trade Unions is summarised in the Industrial Legislation Commission's investigations as follows: There are at least 52 African Trade Unions in existence with a total paid up membership of approximately 34 551. If the Railway Association is excluded, the membership of the remaining Unions is approximately 17 296. In addition there are twelve mixed Trade Unions of which the African paid membership totalled approximately 3 700.
Unity of All Workers in Trade Unions
The most significant question that constantly comes to the fore in the South African Trade Union movement is the unity of all sections of the working class. This is the basic principle which underlies a successful trade union movement. It is common knowledge that in South Africa labour is not considered according to its value, but according to the colour of its skin. The effect of this theory on the living and working conditions of the workers of South Africa constitutes one of the problems of disunity in trade union movement.
There is a vast difference in the status between the European and Non-European workers. The European workers are accorded every protection, under the industrial legislation of the country, to make the fullest use of the machinery of collective gaining, in order to improve their economic position. Besides, it is the technique of ruling class to accord citizenship and political rights to the European workers, so ensure that they will always consider themselves an integral part of the exploiting class, ready to resist any attempt to bring about unity between them and their less privileged fellow workers.
The Non-European workers, on the other hand, are denied all claims to citizenship and political rights. They are ruled under a system which has been systematically designed to keep them under conditions of poverty, ignorance and disease in perpetuity; They are kept out of the skilled jobs, which are preserved as the sole monopoly of the European workers; They are not permitted to enter into any trade as apprentices, above all, they have no citizenship rights to use as a pressure to improve their conditions. Their oppression, therefore, under such conditions is twofold: They suffer both national, and economic disabilities, and their destiny is left in the hands of people who regard them as floating cheap labour awaiting exploitation.
Under these circumstances, it is quite obvious that the unity of all sections of the workers requires a clearsighted and resolute policy, designed to uphold the basic principles of trade unionism, namely to developed and maintain maximum unity of all workers. Perhaps one might be led to believe that the persistent racialist propaganda by the ruling class and the influence of Apartheid policies of the Government is at the bottom of failure to secure workers unity in the trade unions, but that argument cannot be basically the cause. The realities of what is to be done are not far-fetched. The first task that is facing the Non-European workers is unity of the Non-European workers themselves in their trade unions. Then there is the need to join their national liberation movement which is engaged in a struggle to remove the very disabilities which are the cause of non-recognition of African Trade Unions and the inferior status attached to Africans by a host of discriminatory legislation. Once all the workers enjoy the fullest democratic rights, the struggle for unity will have been brought nearer home, and an independent and vigorous trade union movement, fighting fearlessly and without hesitation will find a place in the hearts of thousands of workers who are engaged in a bitter struggle for full democracy.
Mrs. Lipman. If it is a fact that the organisation of Non-European Trade Unions will never really be possible until the National Liberatory struggle is successful, shouldn't the existing Non-European Trade Unions be more active in the Liberatory struggle.
Lecturer. The trade Unions must be built up at the same time as the Liberatory movement is being built up. It must be remembered that the factory workers are the backbone of the Liberatory movement. Unfortunately many of the existing Trade Unions are not interested in anything but wage demands. There is a strong feeling that politics should be left out.
Mrs. Bennan. At a previous meeting of the Club, the view was put forward that it was the political disabilities such as the Pass Laws, restriction of movement etc, rather than economic disabilities of low wages etc, which affected the Africans most. This being the case, Africans would be more likely to support the Liberatory movement rather than the Trade Unions which in any case, were becoming increasingly difficult to organise. In other words, Africans were not yet class conscious and this fact must affect the successful organisation of African Trade Unions.
Mr. O' Dowd. I disagree with the last statement. The economic struggle is something very positive for the Africans. On the whole there is homogeneity of class interests and I believe that Africans are learning techniques of class struggle - in fact more rapidly than an African bourgeoisie is developing. The African people are liberating themselves not from a foreign oppression but from an oppressive capitalist economic system and the Non-European Trade Unions have therefore a most important role to play.
Mrs. Bennan. Are those Non-European Trade Unions that are affiliated to European Trade Unions, for example the Laundry Trade Union, more successful in their economic demands?.
Lecturer. Yes, because in those cases there is no economic rivalry and therefore no antagonisms. It also depends on the Trade Union officials. In the case of the Laundry Workers Union, the organiser has always put up a strong fight on behalf of the Non-European workers.
Mrs. Bennan. Many of the so-called European workers in this country should not really be classified as workers. In the early days of industrial development, when there was a shortage of technicians and artisans, skilled workers had to be enticed from overseas at high rates of pay. In the course of years, these men formed themselves into Trade Unions to protect their privileges and these Trade Unions are today only interested in maintaining a status quo. So today we have the artificial position of a group of protected European "workers" earning wages which are uneconomic to industry as whole, and which are high at the expense of the poorly paid unskilled African worker. Their wages are uneconomic because the work they do does not in most cases warrant the wages they earn and serves only to send up production costs. Were the position to be rationalized the unskilled workers would be trained to do most of the skilled and semi-skilled work at economic rates of pay, and this particular group of European workers would lose their privileged position. It is doubtful whether even a greatly expanding secondary industry could absorb them at their existing rates of pay. Their wages would have to come down accordingly. It seems obvious to me that the Non-European Trade Unions must expect no assistance from this particular group of European Trade Unions who can only view the success of the demands of Non-European Trade Unions as a threat to themselves.
The position of the lower paid European worker is quite different. Once Non-European skilled and semi skilled workers are admitted freely into Industry, the South African economy as a whole must benefit. Africans earning more money represent a greater purchasing power. Industry can then produce in greater and therefore more economic quantities, and on a more rational basis, where the wages earned are related to work performed and not to historical privileges. The lower paid European worker has therefore to gain by allying themselves with the work and demands of the Non-European Trade Unions.
Dr. Hathorn . Would the lecturer tell us something about Trade Union organisation in Port Elizabeth.
Lecturer. They are well organised. One does not find the same distinction between political and economic demands. The Trade Union leaders were in the vanguard of the Liberatory struggle.
Mr. Lipman. In the Transvaal, the leadership at the moment is in the hands of the petty-bourgeoisie. In order to preserve some sort of unity, has not this leadership sacrificed the interests of the workers and the Trade Unions. And have not the Trade Unions put up an active fight.
Lecturer. They have recently and large number of Trade Unionists is now to be found amongst the leaders of the Liberatory movement.
Mrs. Berman. In the classic National Liberatory Struggle the differing class into are subordinate to the interests of the National Struggle as a whole. The working class and the bourgeoisie work together to throw off colonial oppression. South Africa however is in a unique position. Due to her peculiar historical circumstances we find neither a well-developed Non-European bourgeoisie nor a class-conscious Non-EuroÂpean proletariat. This fact has led to differing views on the nature and course and National Liberatory Struggle in South Africa. The one view holds that in the course and realisation of the National Liberatory Struggle an African bourgeoisie will developed, and the classic pattern will follow from then onwards. The proletariats will have gained certain political freedoms but not its economic freedom. Holders of this view claim that only when this political freedom has been achieved, will the proletariate become truly aware of the nature of their still present economic disabilities and developed class-consciousness. If this is the pattern then one must expect the greater part of the leadership of the National Liberatory movement to be in the hands of the bourgeoisie and one must expect the situation that Mr. Lipman mentioned. On the other hand, just because there is no well-developed bourgeoisie it is just as likely that the class-conscious elements will assume leadership and that the interests of the bourgeoisie will be pushed aside, hi this case, the nature of the struggle will broaden to include economic demands, i.e., the demands will be not only for the extension of existing freedoms and privileges to all, but a fundamental change .in economic relationships. If as Mr. Tloome says more militant Trade Unionists are coming into the leadership - which has already happened in Port Elizabeth, where one does not see the same distinction made between political and economic demands ”” this may be a pointer to the way in which the struggle is developing.