‘The CPSA are the only people who are with us in spirit’, Gumede in Brussels, 1927.
INTRODUCTION
The focus of this chapter is Gumede’s extensive visits to Europe in 1927 and 1928. It has long been recognised that Gumede’s historic visit to Russia, his active participation in the Tenth Anniversary Celebrations of the Russian Revolution and his conversation with Stalin changed the face of ANC’s militancy and Gumede’s own philosophy. Gumede admitted that during his stay in Russia he lost his initial suspicion of the Communist doctrine. The central issue is the question in the minds of many South Africans as to why the ANC formed such a strong alliance with the CPSA in the latter part of the 20th century, an alliance which continued right through the historic nonracial elections of 1994. This chapter seeks to provide an answer to this and other related questions.
DO NOT BE AFRAID OF THE COMMUNISTS
Less than three weeks after leaving Cape Town harbour the Kenilworth Castle arrived in England on 31 January 1927. Gumede’s accommodation was arranged at the Bedford Hotel in Southampton Row. Mindful of his debt (?33.3s.5d) which was long overdue, Gumede informed Harris of the APS about his arrival and mission to Brussels.441 In his last letter to Gumede dated 29 June 1926, Organising Secretary, Harris drew his attention to the fact that it “was nearly six years since he had incurred his outstanding debt and that they (APS) had never yet received one penny refund”.442 Gumede assured Harris that he would call at his office on his return from Brussels. Harris replied that he was looking forward to seeing him and trusted that he would be bringing the money which he owed them.443 The socio-economic and political climate in England had changed considerably since Gumede’s visit in 1919-1921. British Imperialism was severely condemned by the George Lansbury, Fenner Brockway and Arthur MacManus, respective leaders of the Labour Party, Independent Labour Party and Communist Party of Britain. At the beginning of 1927 more than 70 “Hands Off China” Committees were formed in England. A mass demonstration in support of the Chinese Revolution and the Brussels Conference took place on Trafalgar Square on 9 February 1927.
The Brussels Conference proved to be a milestone in the development of Gumede’s political philosophy. It was here that he met Communists, left-wing Socialists and radical Nationalists from all over the world.445 The idea of an international anti-imperialistic Conference came from a small group of revolutionaries in Berlin, then the European centre of political exiles from the colonial world.446 The points to be discussed at the conference were, inter alia, reports on imperialist oppression in various colonies; reports on liberation movements in various colonies and on the amount of aid these movements receive from workers’ movements in capitalist countries; co-ordination of national struggles, and the creation of an international anti-imperialist league. The organiser was Willi Munzenberg, one of the most capable brains of the German Communist party.447 Munzenberg proposed this “colonial Conference” for the first time on 3 August 1926. In doing so, he emphasised the Communist point of view that in the interest of the proletarian revolution, the Communists must assist the oppressed nations in their fight for liberation. 174 delegates from the colonial and semi-colonial countries attended the Congress in Brussels.
Africa was represented only on a negligible scale; but “if we add the Afro-American representatives”, argued Geiss, “we can say that there was a Black group at the Congress”. Gumede must have been disappointed by the fact that British West Africa was completely unrepresented. Nevertheless, considering the historical background of that time, it was a considerable achievement to have convened such a Congress.449 The Congress took place in the fine old hall of the Palace of Count Egmont. The venue was named after Count Egmont who had been executed in 1568 for organising the resistance to Spanish oppression at that time.450 Contrary to their leftist counterparts, the liberal press in Brussels played down the significance of the Congress.451 In his welcoming address, Henri Barbusse of France, paid tribute to the Chinese delegation and the hosts, the Belgian Government. Fenner Brockway of the British Independent Labour Party, whom Plaatje and Gumede met in London in 1919, condemned those labour leaders who had supported the sending of armed forces to China. During the first two days Gumede listened to various speeches detailing the “ horrors and outrages that were being inflicted on the oppressed peoples” in various colonies. In moving phrases, many delegates described their grievances and vividly portrayed their suffering at the hands of the imperialist countries.
The Communist bloc scored one success after the other. As the Congress proceeded, more and more delegates openly expressed their praises of the Soviet Union which genuinely sympathised “with the struggles of the colonial people against their oppressors”.These lessons were not lost on Gumede. During
the fifth session on the evening of 12 February, he was called to “report on the economic and political position of the oppressed people in South Africa”. Inspired by former delegates’s radical speeches, he set out to inform the international audience about the violence to which Africans had been subjected and the misery that had become their common lot.
I am one of the representatives of South Africa which has been painted white on the map as if imperialism does not operate there. I have to relate a very sad story to you of what is happening to the proletariat of South Africa, white and black. I will take the trade unions of Europeans in South Africa. They do not work together with us. Race prejudice in Africa is even more violent than in America. There is a fear in South Africa that if the natives increase and are not taken in hand they will lift themselves up and very soon claim the government of the country and rule their country because of their numbers. Therefore they have got to be kept down to be hewers of wood and drawers of water only, and I can assure you it is done properly too.
After that preamble, Gumede outlined Africans’ failures to resist dispossession of their lands. “All the land was taken from us in the name of the Crown of Great Britain and the people were driven away from their ancestral homes which were turned into farms”. Evicted blacks could not escape proletarianisation, hence “many went to Kimberley in large numbers”. Gumede held Britain solely responsible for the Anglo-Zulu War. There was no occasion for that war. It was only because Zulu power was considered by the Europeans a menace to the colonies, so all sorts of stories were sent to Great Britain to make the British people turn against the Zulus. The result was a big imperial force went to South Africa and crushed them
down.
Gumede continued by pointing out the “exploitation suffered by Blacks on the farms and mines”. He launched an attack on the mining capitalists. “ Black workers have to go down into the bowels of the earth to bring up gold to enrich the capitalist, but the capitalist gives them two pence a day and puts them in dirty compounds”. Turning to the question of slavery, he claimed:
We could relate pitiful stories every night when we think how we are slaves in our own country. You say you destroyed slavery. No, you did not - we want an emancipator. We do not know where he is. We are driven from pillar to post.
The Pact government’s discriminatory policy of civilised labour was also condemned:
Numbers of our men have been removed from government and public works to make place for poor Europeans. Where do these poor Europeans come from? Large numbers of black people are unemployed. The poor negro in South Africa is living under very hard conditions. He has been deprived of all human rights. Now there is the Colour Bar of 1926 prohibiting the black man to do any skilled work. Even those who are working on machinery are taken off and those who drove engines may no longer drive them. That is the state of affairs.
How did all these things arise? When Great Britain occupied South Africa the Union Jack was pointed out as meaning justice, liberty and fair play. We find it means just the opposite. Gumede concluded by acknowledging that the CPSA was the only white party which represented the South African blacks’ interests.456 “I am glad to say”, Gumede ended:
that in South Africa there are Communists. I am not a Communist, but we find that the CPSA are the only people who are with us in spirit and we are watching them. I appeal to you, comrades, to realise that the position before you in this Congress means great responsibility. Gumede’s speech revealed an amazing somersault in terms of his earlier reactionary views on Communism. What had contributed to his sudden change of Communist perspective?
I would argue that there were two underlying factors:
firstly the influence of his fellow travellers, Jimmy La Guma and Dan Colraine who might have used every opportunity to broaden Gumede’s limited understanding of Communism; secondly the influence of fellow African and Afro-American delegates, like Richard Moore (Chicago) and Lamine Senghor who had built up working relationships with their imperialist countries’ respective Communist parties.
The three South Africans committed themselves to give effect to the ideal of uniting their respective organisations in the struggle against British Imperialism. They drew up a historic “Thesis for the Defense Against Imperialism in South Africa” in which they listed demands such as the right to self-determination through the complete overthrow of the capitalistic and imperialistic domination; the right to create adequate
educational facilities for the development of all peoples; the abolition of oppressive taxation, and the right of all categories of workers to organise themselves in Trade Unions for their economic and social emancipation.
The thesis was concluded with the following appeal: In the realisation that the unity of all workers, irrespective of their race, colour or creed, is an urgent necessity for the successful fight against exploitation and Imperialism, this Congress urges the white and black workers of South Africa to work for that reciprocal agreement which will lead to the unity and solidarity of the working class in its own interest.
The Brussels Conference was notable for its extended discussion of the “ Negro Question”. To be in a better position to deal with the negro question, a Negro Commission was appointed, consisting of African and Afro-American delegates, which had to work out a detailed resolution. The chairman was Lamine Senghor, (Comité de Défense de la Race Nègre, hereinafter CDRN). Gumede together with Max Bloncourt (Union Intercoloniale), Carlos Martins (Haiti) and Richard Moore (Chicago) were called upon to speak during the session devoted to the negro question.460 Inspired by Senghor and Bloncourt’s attack against French colonialism, Gumede launched an attack on the exploitation of Africans by the Union government. He outlined the motives behind the founding of the ANC in 1912. He pointed out the hardships brought about by the Land Act of 1913 and even condemned the British government’s policy of non-interference in South African politics. He held that the British government was an ally of the Union government. Gumede concluded with a fierce attack on Britain’s mockery of the principle of justice and fair play.
The Commission’s subsequent historic document placed the negro question within the context of the whole colonial question. “To liberate the negro race throughout the world”, the following demands were put forward:
1 Complete freedom for African peoples and peoples of African descent;
2 Equality of the negro race with all other races;
3 Possession by Africans of African lands and administration;
4 Immediate abolition of forced labour and indirect taxation;
5 Abolition of all racial and class distinctions in economic and political matters and abolition of conscription;
6 Freedom of communication in the interior of Africa and along the African coasts;
7 Freedom of speech, press and assembly;
8 Recognition of the right to education in schools of every kind;
9 Recognition of the right to form trade unions.
All the demands would be regarded in Europe as liberal and democratic demands; but put forward on a Communist platform, they were bound to evoke twice as much mistrust. The theses neither offered any new Pan Africanist ideas nor gave concern to a program of self-government for African territories; the majority of the latest resolutions were raised at earlier Pan African Congresses. The South African delegates gave their approval to the final manifesto on imperialism, adopted by the Congress. The main portion of this manifesto reads as follows:
The Congress is of the opinion that capitalist foreign policy can only end in the enslavement, forced labour, and extermination of the native population of the Colonial territories. Imperialism is not an accidental phenomenon, from which capitalism can rid itself of its own volition, it is the logical sequence of historical development. But finance capitalism which is economically and politically dominant in the capitalist mother countries is attaining direct profits through the exploitation of the native workers on the one hand and colossal profits through its domination of the sources of raw materials on the other. The closing session took place on the evening of 14 February 1927.
Munzenberg declared that the Congress had succeeded beyond all expectations and that the first step towards the formation of a real league of nations had been made in Brussels and not in Geneva. Twenty sets of resolutions and declarations were presented to the presidium. The evening ended in a victory for Soviet Russia in particular when Edo Fimmen of France concluded that without the Russian revolution which had awakened the oppressed peoples, the Congress would never have been possible.
It is imperative to state that many of the non-Communist delegates, including the Chairman of the Executive Council, Lansbury, initially refused to acknowledge that the Communists were the real founders of the League. In his report in Labour Weekly Lansbury indignantly denied allegations that the League was directed by Moscow and said that the predominant characteristic of the Congress had been its spontaneity.465 Evidently Gumede was not disturbed that the initiative had come from a Communist, Munzenberg. He believed that the League was a great organisation of workers and national-revolutionary groups that deserved to be supported. Gumede was satisfied with the course of the Congress and the support he and his colleagues have received abroad. He left Brussels feeling that a new era for oppressed peoples had begun. Both La Guma and Gumede were determined that the ANC should officially affiliate to the League.
GUMEDE IN GERMANY, FEBRUARY 1927
After the Brussels Conference, many of the delegates, including the three South Africans were invited to Germany by the Central Committee of the German Communist Party. Gumede and Colraine travelled by rail to Berlin, the capital of the German Empire. More than 10 000 German Communists warmly welcomed them at Schlesischen Bahnhof (Station) on 17 February 1927.466 Upon arrival, the Red Guards, a group of working class fighters, and a band ushered the Brussels delegates through the main streets to a nearby Hall. Comrade Uberlein officially welcomed the delegates on behalf of the Central Committee of the German Communist Party. In return, General Lu Chung Ling delivered a short speech in which he condemned the fact that “ a 30% minority should rule a 70% worldwide majority”.
In the face of a shortage of money, the delegates were housed by their German comrades.468 Munzenberg’s flat at Zelten Street 9a in the famous Berlin Tiergarten served as an important meeting place. Margarette Baber-Neumann, Munzenberg’s sister-in-law claimed that the apartment was a hive of activity.469 Baber-Neumann, author with a great interest in contemporary Russian politics, was well informed of the activities of the Brussels Congress. Assuming that all the foreign visitors were Communists, she was dumbfounded by Lansbury’s denial that the League Against Imperialism was directed by Moscow. Baber-Neumann was convinced that Lansbury was not fully informed about Munzenberg’s pro-Russian ideals. At the same time, she was puzzled by Russia’s Doppelspiel (dice-playing).
Baber-Neumann shared an interesting bit of information about Gumede’s personality. After many hours of discussion about the Soviet Union, the delegates had sung the “Internationale”. Gumede complained to Munzenberg when some of the young comrades, namely Manuel Gomez (America), El Bakri and the Russian Besso Lominadse had started singing other songs. Gumede held that they should honour the dignity of their struggle at all times.470 Shortly afterwards the “young lions” set off sight-seeing Berlin. Gumede spent much of his time in Berlin attending political meetings organised by the German branch of the League. More than 10 000 people attended the “International Mass Meeting” at Bulowplatz on 18 February, which Colraine claimed, was closely supervised by the Red Guards.471 Otto Schnudel of Switzerland had some interesting things to say about Gumede’s experiences in Berlin.
Following the Congress there was in Berlin an informal meeting of the delegates who had come to the German capital, among them our friend Gumede. Gumede and I were standing side by side. He towered over most of those present with his tall powerful figure. Most of the whites he had met until then had treated him with contempt, and that was why this Berlin meeting was so infinitely important. For the first time he stood as an equal among people of all races, all colours and various beliefs, united in brotherhood with the purpose of putting an end to the contemptible system of colonialism.
Gumede was so overwhelmed by this experience that his eyes were filled with tears. “I am so happy!” he stammered. Then he drew himself up and added: “ I am going to fight”. In Berlin, Gumede witnessed a determined effort by the KPD to broaden their appeal to the German youth.473 The Youth campaign had been designed as a priority by the Red Fronts Third National Congress in March 1926. When Thalman became leader in autumn 1925, he gave this policy his energetic support. Therefore, in keeping with the KPD’s initiatives, Gumede, Willi Munzenberg, Prof Goldsmith and Arthur Rosenberg addressed a political
meeting convened by the Communist Students’ Group and Socialists’ Student Bond on 23 February 1927 in Berlin. Their main theme was the significance of the Brussels Congress and the Chinese struggle against imperialism.
The Weimar Government had been generous in allowing the foreign visitors to address political meetings. Yet the Reich Commissioner for the Surveillance of Public Order was well informed about their movements.475 From Berlin, Gumede was sent to address political meetings in Dresden, one of the strongholds of the KPD. Towards the end of February 1927 Gumede travelled to Frankfurt, where he was welcomed by the Frankfurt branch of the “League Against Imperialism”.476 The meetings which Gumede addressed here and in the suburb of Hanou, received some coverage in the radical press.
While Gumede returned to England en route home, La Guma accepted an invitation to visit the Soviet Union. Up to 1926 South Africa had played only a secondary role in the concern of the Comintern.477 Indications are that this course changed entirely after the Brussels conference with the Comintern taking an active interest in South African politics. La Guma held talks with ECCI leaders, including Bukharin, president of the Comintern and began to formulate a new approach to the national question in South Africa. La Guma and the Comintern agreed that it was the duty of the CPSA to work in the first instance for majority rule in South Africa and only when that had been achieved to aim to achieve the second stage of the revolution, the socialist stage.
La Guma then returned with a draft resolution which called for “an independent native South African republic” as a stage towards a workers’ and peasants’ republic with full, equal rights for all races. In short, the draft resolution began with a definition of South Africa as “a British dominion of the colonial type” which included three colonial features:
The country was exploited by British imperialism, with the participation of the South African white bourgeoisie (British and Boer), with British capital occupying the principal economic position. The overwhelming majority of the population were Africans (Coloureds included). Africans, who held only one-eighth of the land, were almost completely landless, the great bulk of their land having been expropriated by the white minority.
The resolution also stated that the CPSA should pay particular attention to the embryonic organisations among the natives such as the ANC and to transform the ANC into a fighting nationalist revolutionary organisation against the white bourgeoisie and the British imperialists. As will be discussed later, the draft resolution effectively divided the CPSA into two groups. Whilst the League was striving to unite the different all anti-imperialist forces, the draft South African resolution posed the real threat of division.
GUMEDE CONTINUED HIS STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1927
Gumede returned to South Africa when the Colour Bar Act and Hertzog’s Bills were causing intense indignation amongst African politicians. In this atmosphere he was welcomed back at an ANC-Communist Party meeting in Cape Town. The ANC hall in Waterkant Street was packed to capacity. Thaele, president of the Western Cape branch of the ANC was in the chair and the President-General, Mahabane, was also present. The Communists, Theale explained, had been invited to join in the welcome as “it had become necessary for the ANC to realise that the CPSA were the real friends of the oppressed people”. Thaele went on to enumerate the self-sacrifice of comrades like W. Harrison and others, who had gone to gaol for protesting against the massacre of the people at Bulhoek. Wolton emphasised the urgent need in Africa for unity of all oppressed people irrespective of colour in order to deal a final blow to the monster of imperialism. He concluded with a warm welcome to Gumede and extended a hand of comradeship amidst prolonged applause.
Gumede then rose to speak with intense emotion, and for three-quarters of an hour told a “graphic and vivid story of the harrowing revelations which were made at the world’s most notable gathering ever held in history”. “I am going to tell the truth to my people” said Gumede, “and am prepared to lay down my life if only my brothers can be freed from this monstrous burden of imperialism”. He spoke of the complete basis of equality existing among the Brussels delegates and added that the first European to extend the hand of brotherhood was a London Communist. He used that example to urge his audience to realise that the only friends of the oppressed, are the Communists: Before I went to Brussels, the capitalist press had frightened me of the Bolsheviks, but now I know the sacrifice and endeavour they are making on behalf of the suffering people of the world. Do not be afraid of Communists, for I am convinced they are your true friends and helpers.
Gumede spoke about the great need for united action to fight the common enemy, namely imperialism, and appealed for the immediate unity of the forces of the ANC and the ICU. Referring to the recent expulsion of three Communists from the ICU, Gumede proclaimed: It is monstrous that three good fighters on behalf of the oppressed people of Africa should be driven out of the ICU because of political opinions. You must see that these good comrades are at once reinstated.
He regretted arriving too late to attend the ICU Conference in Durban “where he had intended to fight this reactionary measure with all his might”. He claimed that the division in their ranks was fuelling the present desperate conditions. He called on the audience to “find out why the ANC and the ICU are not cooperating and to make it their duty to bring about co-operation”. All sections of the people of Africa must unite against imperialism. There are two alternatives before the people of Africa, either they unite with imperialism which had inflicted the terrible sufferings on them or else they would unite with the only country in the world where freedom existed, and that country is workers’ Russia.
In conclusion, he appealed to the audience to be prepared to fight and to lay down their lives if necessary “in the great cause of the emancipation of their suffering brothers and sisters in Africa and throughout the world”. Inspired by the former speakers and the atmosphere of the gathering, Rev. Mahabane, ANC president, also lashed out at the policy of the Government who “told the native to discard the assegai and they would be given the vote”. Mahabane claimed that:
Now that the vote was to be taken away again there could only be one inference for the people of Africa. They must prepare to fight for their rights. Of course, Rev Mahabane was not propagating mass actions and strikes as a means to obtain freedom. Bonner claims that “there was a limit beyond which some of the leadership would not go”.482 Upon his arrival in Johannesburg, Gumede raised again the question of “linking up the forces of the working class movement” in South Africa: It was not the white man as such, but the capitalist class which ground the faces of white and black the world over. This was the universal truth to which my eyes were opened. The ANC would stand for our people as Hertzog stood for his, and in this fight we need the services of the ICU.
But Kadalie remained antagonistic towards Gumede’s approach. At the seventh annual ICU Congress held in Durban on 19 April, Kadalie effectively curbed the enthusiasm of the few sincere rank and file delegates present. Kadalie ensured the passage of a resolution debarring members from associating with the Communists.
Gumede reported back on his overseas missions at the special Convention of Chiefs held in April 1927 under the auspices of Congress. If reported correctly, Gumede showed his determination and courage to propose a new shift from constitutional to confrontational politics. Gumede counselled his fellow conservative colleagues to forge an alliance with the CPSA in their struggle against the government. However, it was not surprising that Gumede’s pro-Communist stance was received without any enthusiasm by most chiefs, who vowed they would never support the Communists. One of the chiefs argued that the Russian Czar “was a great man in his country, of Royal Blood like us”.485 Rev Mahabane fully endorsed the chiefs’ fears and political sentiments, stressing that Congress would adhere to its tactics of lobbying and petitioning. Although he failed to convince the chiefs that it could be beneficial for the ANC to develop a working relationship with the CPSA, Gumede at least succeeded in persuading one of the chiefs to withdraw a resolution condemning the fraternisation between the ANC and the CPSA.
Meanwhile, Hertzog’s latest proposed Colour Bar legislation had a profound effect on Gumede. Knowing very well that the Executive Council would not do battle with Hertzog, Gumede was courageous in questioning Congress’s moderate course and propagating protest politics. At the same time, Gumede was growing tired of Kadalie’s indifference towards the ANC. Let not the ICU be led by the nose: it was not founded for that. Let it not hold aloof from the Congress. If your leaders do not play the game, kick them
out. Why quarrel in the face of Hertzog’s attacks? Unless we stand together the capitalist will grind South Africa still more.
Gumede also attended the first non-European Conference which met on 23 June at Kimberley under the chairmanship of Dr. Abdurahman, president of the APO. For the first time over a hundred delegates representing a wide range of African, Coloured and Indian organisations attended this historic two-day Conference. The aim of the participants, inter alia was to secure closer co-operation among the oppressed non-white communities in their native country. In his rather moderate speech, Gumede stressed that “all delegates must strive to make the Conference a success”:
We have no desire to drive the white man out of South Africa. We are against injustice and oppression. We are British subjects and were promised freedom, justice, liberty, and fair play. With these four principles it was heaven, without them we are hopeless. Our duty is to work peacefully and constitutionally to (sic) the welfare of our people. We do not want promises, nor do we ask for concessions. The present Government has no concession to give us. We simply want the four principles.
Addressing the Native Administration Bill which the exclusively white Parliament under the premiership of Hertzog was committed to bringing to the statute book, Gumede argued: The black man has never abused the vote he possessed. The Voortrekkers are to be blamed for the policy of segregation. The Voortrekkers established their own republics and excluded the Black man from the vote. Furthermore, he asserted that the Native Land Act Amendment Bill was a threat to the remaining Black landowners, for “it was taking those native areas and giving them to white people”. Through the non-European Conference and under the provocation of the Hertzog Bills, the ANC was therefore drawn into a very loose defensive alliance with the APO and Indian activists. Gumede cast his vote in favour of a set of resolutions, which among others called for improved co-operation between European and non-Europeans and supported the mission of the Joint Councils, liberal institutions which sought to minimise racial friction through involving African leaders in consultation with liberal White leaders. Analysing events closely, it is clear that non-white unity was as hard to achieve, as was militant mass action.
Simons claimed that there were “too many warring groups and sectional interests among the dispossessed”. In the absence of La Guma, the Communist Party looked upon Colraine and Gumede to take the initiative in forming a branch of the League Against Imperialism, thus ensuring the implemention of the resolutions of the Brussels Conference. The CPSA remained hopeful that the ANC could also be persuaded to tread the path of revolutionary militancy. Gumede held discussions with the CPSA in Johannesburg. However, the negotiations between the CPSA executive and Gumede failed to deliver results. Bunting claimed that “a certain attack of cold feet is evident on the part of both, Gumede and Colraine”.
Maybe so, but Bunting was too impatient with Gumede. Evidently Gumede remained enthusiastic about the League. However, certain factors hindered the formation of a branch of the League. Firstly, recalling the great organisational work done at Brussels, Gumede could not form the League without the guidance and assistance of La Guma and Colraine. Secondly, Colraine, who had been elected to the Council of the League, had vowed “to do all in my power to further the aims of the organisation”491 , but he quarelled with his own organisation (SA Trade Union Congress) over 75 pounds which he claimed was used to finance the trips of La Guma and Gumede. Colraine consequently turned his back on the mission of the League.492 Thirdly, Gumede had to wait until La Guma returned from Moscow (June 1927) before he could commence discussing the possible formation of a branch of the League.
At the end of June 1927 Gumede travelled to Bloemfontein for Congress’s annual meeting.493 Mahabane’s three-year term was drawing to a close and a new leader had to be appointed. Gumede had spent the last five years crisscrossing the country; he was a favourite of the rank and file and had made no secret of his ambitions to lead the ANC. Fortunately his nomination went unopposed and, at the age of sixty, Gumede found himself Congress’s fourth leader. To add joy to his election, Congress endorsed Gumede’s report of the Brussels conference. Yet, the organisation’s future course was far from clear. Gumede knew well that the organisation was still deeply splintered over ideology, policy and personalities. Congress was not a mass organisation, and its last two leaders (Makgatho and Mahabane) made little, if any attempt to propagate and apply pressure by such tactics as strikes or demonstrations.
Consequently, many of the radicals were disillusioned with the “politics of diplomatic (and sometimes downright sycophantic) persuasion”. Championed by Communist figures likes Jimmy La Guma, John Gomas and E. Khalie, this group demanded a more militant course. On the other hand, the conservatives in the ANC were extremely wary of Communism and radicalism, called for caution and were reluctant to antagonise the government.
Gumede realised that he had to act courageously and convey unpleasant facts unflinchingly. In his speech he moved towards radicalism, perceiving that the only hope of salvation for the millions of toiling blacks lay in a militant policy of struggle. “Of all political parties”, he argued, “the Communist Party was the only one that honestly and sincerely fought for the emancipation of the oppressed”.The conservatives, including a majority of tribal leaders, who were the financial backbone of the organisation, had reason to feel uneasy
about Gumede’s stance. Moreover, because of his pro-Communist stance, he came to be regarded by the government as a highly suspect activist whose political actions had to be kept under strict police surveillance.
The election of Gumede marked an important turning-point in the history of the ANC. From the outset, Gumede had no doubt as to the magnitude of the task he was undertaking. He had returned from Europe with a new understanding and outlook on the national liberation struggle.There he had pledged to adopt new strategies to promote unity of the non-white masses in a joint struggle against imperialist oppression. Nevertheless, he was mindful that Congress was passing through an exceedingly difficult period and that many of the conservatives on his Executive Council were committed to preventing Congress from swerving too far to the left. Yet he had no intention of driving these men out of the ANC. Instead his Presidential address revealed a clear spirit of political accommodation of the different schools of thought within the ANC:
The task before me is great and I feel I cannot perform it successfully without the co-operation of, and active support of all leaders of the race. I know some of you are not members of the executive Council, but, whether or not, you can by using your influence with the people, make it easy for the Officers to organise the people and bring them within the fold of the ANC. It is my earnest desire to create mutual understanding among all the leaders of our race, and to secure their co-operation particularly at this hour of the destiny of the race.
This is a crucial time in our history, it is time when we should bury our differences, when we should sacrifice our personal ambition for the greatest ambition of the race. It is time for co-operative action. I know there are two wings to the Bantu movement for political and economic emancipation from the tyranny of European rule, the conservative and the radical wing. These wings are absolutely necessary for our progress. They are the right and left wing of a great movement. I shall esteem it a great favour if you will give us your unselfish support in carrying out the task that lies before us.
Omitted from Gumede’s post-election manifesto was any special reference to a working relationship with the CPSA. He did not wish to antagonise the conservatives in the ANC. Underlying Gumede’s address was a realisation that any division in their ranks would undoubtedly jeopardise their mission of securing the emancipation of the African people.
Gumede embarked on a cautious path during his first few months in office. For the time being, he steered clear of the CPSA and their radicalism. It is difficult to tell whether Gumede had been in contact with La Guma or been fully informed of the important draft resolution. Instead, he moved closer to the ICU and urged that the ANC take the lead in promoting an all-in native movement, having the ICU affiliated as its industrial backbone.
Kadalie, whose ICU appeared on the crest of a wave in June 1927, was not too eager to take up Gumede’s offer. Kadalie was still pinning his hopes on political flirtation with the Hertzog government. One of Gumede’s first challenges, was to secure an improvement in the provision of education facilities for the African population. Gumede had always attached importance to formal education as a means of progress,
hence his involvement in this struggle had a long history. In the field of African education, the situation was extremely grim during the 1920s. Successive Governments had clearly demonstrated that they did not believe in formal education for the Africans. Lack of Government subsidies to schools for the Africans was a major stumbling block. In July 1927 Gumede and Makobeni, a leader of the Amafellandawonge (the Die-hards) movement visited Pretoria to address the Government’s indifference to the needs of African education.
They held talks with the Government officials on 8 July 1927. Gumede made representations for increased expenditure on African education. As would be expected Gumede’s appeal was turned down. Government officials pointed out that in Herschel in the Cape Province, the people refused to make use of the available facilities.500 Gumede had suffered yet another setback in his negotiations with the government. Strangely enough, he did not threaten the government with mass action. Had he forgotten the lessons of Brussels? Umteteli Wa Bantu, the official newspaper of the South African Chamber of Mines, responded favourably to Gumede’s first two months in office: Congress officers today are generally of that type which give promise of careful and discreet direction. The ANC has equipped itself with modern leadership aiming directly at the black man’s advancement.
However, in what could be interpreted as an urgent appeal to Gumede to steer clear of the Communist Party, the paper counselled Congress to “measure its power by the degree of its moderation - the greatest of all forces”. “The Native people”, stated the paper, “cannot advance by aggression”. Gumede’s first four months as President-General of the ANC proved in many respects to be a period characterised by hopes for the African people being shattered. Despite the rejection of the Native Administrative Bill by the ANC, the Government pushed it through Parliament in September 1927.503 Gumede viewed this Act as a major instrument designed to secure white supremacy. Apart from creating a separate system of courts to administer African law, it extended to other provinces, Natal’s repressive techniques of colonial rule and turned chiefs into petty officials of the Native Affairs Department. Simons held that “tribalism was reinvigorated, made into a bulwark against radical leaders and the thrust of African nationalism”.
Gumede became increasingly frustrated over the government’s unwillingness to consult with them over its African policy. He took a strong stand against the Act, arguing that it “creates the Governor-General as the Supreme Chief and gives him autocratic powers - the powers of a Tshaka or a Dingaan - in his dealings with the African people of Natal, Transvaal and the Free State”.
Jabavu supported Gumede and stated that he was a civilised man and refused to be ruled by a (White) chief. However Parliament stood firm. White MPs defended the Act with a degree of enthusiasm that Hertzog found almost embarrassing.
Meanwhile the League Against Imperialism and the Comintern had other plans for Gumede. In Russia revolutionaries were labouring around the clock in order to turn the Tenth Anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution into a world event. At the same time, Stalin and the Comintern leadership were developing a new Foreign Policy, aiming at the advancement of Socialism. Delegates who attended the Brussels Conference of the League Against Imperialism were regarded as key players in the propagating the Russian Revolution. In October 1927 Gumede accepted an invitation from the “Society for the promotion of cultural relations between Russia and foreign countries” to attend its World Congress to be held in Moscow on 10-12 November 1927.506 The world Congress of the “Friends of the Soviet Union” formed an integral part of the Tenth Anniversary celebrations of the Bolshevik Revolution.507 Gumede’s invitation was signed by the Secretary of the League Against Imperialism.508 Gumede was to be accompanied again by Jimmy La Guma. Sydney Bunting was not in favour of La Guma’s nomination. In short, Bunting preferred somebody who was more closely in touch with the Central Executive of the CPSA.509 His stance calls for closer examination. Little historical knowledge is needed to know that the draft resolution on the South African question lay at the centre of the ideological misunderstanding between La Guma and Bunting.510 Bunting, known for his distaste of theory, intimated that the draft resolution was anti-white and was similar to Marcus Garvey’s slogan “Africa for the Africans” which the CPSA had always opposed as the exact opposite of internationalism.511 Bunting feared that La Guma would use the trip in pursuit of his independent Native Republic dream. As will be discussed later, Bunting’s fears were realised. No evidence has yet emerged as to whether Gumede sought the approval of his Executive Council for his trip to the “new Jerusalem”. What is clear is that Gumede’s trip to Moscow never enjoyed the support of many of the older, more established and more affluent section of the Congress. La Guma and Gumede had plenty of time to discuss the significance of the draft resolution in detail on their voyage to Europe en route to Moscow. The irony is that both men were haunted by similar political problems at this stage of their lives. La Guma knew that the majority of the white members of the CPSA, and even his African colleague, T. Thibedi, were indignant at the draft resolution, which Roux claimed, “placed the black on top and the white man underneath”.512 La Guma, however appeared determined to do battle with his colleagues, Bunting and Roux.
For Gumede, his trip was not only a brave deed, “it was a pioneering act”.514 Gumede also was aware that the majority of the old guard’s political faith, in particular that of the chiefs, was pinned on constitutional rather than revolutionary politics. What prompted him to go to Moscow? Gumede recalled that he wanted to know more about the Communist doctrine: I know that Communism is a different thing altogether, because I have had to study it, having heard so much about it, and having had trouble amongst our own race here on the same subject. Gumede was the first ANC President to tour the Soviet Union and his political philosophy was never the same thereafter.
GUMEDE’S VISIT TO THE SOVIET UNION, NOVEMBER – DECEMBER 1927
Gumede and La Guma first travelled to England before proceeding across Europe to Moscow. They were hoping to hold talks with the Minister of Colonies. Gumede recalled that they achieved nothing in London, as nobody spoke to them and it was even difficult for them to obtain a room in a hotel. Great Britain had no time for Communists. On 12 May 1927 the British police had raided the premises of the Soviet Trade Delegation and the Anglo-Russian Co-operative Society in London. Soon afterwards the British government broke off diplomatic relations with the USSR.516 Despite severe criticism from the anti-Communist British press, in particular the Morning Post, Britain’s leftist organisations sent 127 delegates to Moscow.517 The two South African delegates arrived in Moscow on 10 November 1927. La Guma recalled that they were greeted by heavy snow-showers. Moscow was a hive of political activity, everywhere, on the fronts of buildings huge banners called on the Soviet people to put their backs into building Socialism in the USSR.519 The foreign guests soon discovered that all was not well in the Russian Utopia. The inner-party struggle, wrote Isaac Deutscher, had moved from the cells to the streets.520 On 7 November, during the official celebration ceremony, Trotsky and Alexander Zinoviev, who had lost their their places on both the Politbureau and Central Committee succeeded in humiliating Stalin publicly. Trotsky and Zinoviev led their followers in separate processions through the streets of Moscow carrying banners and slogans directed against Stalin’s supporters. Though the demonstrations were of a peaceful nature, the police quickly bustled the Trotskyites away.521 These demonstrations brought the struggle between Stalin and Trotsky to a breaking point. Within a week of their feeble efforts Trotsky was expelled from the Communist Party.
Masters of diplomacy, the Russian hosts were dedicated to making the Anniversary celebrations a success. Frank Golder, an American historian who spent many years in Soviet Russia, claimed that life in Russia “was far from being so contented and beautiful as the Communist press abroad makes out”.
Golder wrote about Moscow’s dirty and ragged homeless children with the animal look in their eyes who had been gathered up and taken out of Moscow “so as not to be in sight of the guests who came to the Jubilee”.523 Ante Gliga, an Yugoslavian who was sent to Moscow in 1926 to study at the famous Lenin Party school shared Golder’s sentiments and referred to the poverty and unemployment problem in the town between 1926-27.524 Gliga however admired the Russians, who in spite of poverty, had faith in the future and a conviction that life was only just beginning.
Gumede joined the 917 official delegates from more than 40 countries who attended the three-day session of the World Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union held at the Dom Soyusov (House of the Trade Unions) from 10-12 November 1927. Compared with the 174 international delegates at the Brussels Conference, this large number of delegates at the Moscow Congress was to present a great organisational challenge to the Comintern.
The reputation of the Russian leadership and the Communist movement was at stake. Party members worked around the clock to ensure the success of the Congress. At the same time, non-Communists like Gumede were especially targeted to be imprinted with the successes of the Russian Revolution as well as teaching them the road along which their own independence could be attained. The representatives from the colonies were taught how the Soviet Union solved their national problem and were urged to challenge and rise against the system of capitalist exploitation. Harry Haywood, who was the first Black to attend the Leninist School during this period, recalled that Gumede “was a special friend of us Black students”.
We took him in charge. Every morning we would call for him at his room at the National Hotel on Tverskaya and escort him to the Congress sessions. The pro-Communist and socialist teachings of the Conference were not totally lost on Gumede. He took a sincere interest in the discussions and gave a stirring speech at one of the sessions. Striking an anti-colonialist theme, Gumede stated that: In South Africa the African people had been deprived of their land and were labouring under discriminating and oppressive laws. The African people had no voice in the government of the country, which formerly belonged to them.
Our position was that of serfs. Gumede was eager to conclude a possible alliance with the Communists.
Evidence for this is based on his approval and acceptance of the set of resolutions passed at the Conference. The two most important themes centred on the significance of the November Revolution of 1917 and the defence of the USSR against imperialistic attacks. The respective delegations declared their
support of the notion that any attack on the USSR would be seen “as a Counter Revolution ... as an attack against the proletariat and peasants”.
The Moscow Conference was not without social activities. Haywood wrote that he had accompanied Gumede on the rounds of parties held by the various delegations. Haywood recorded that “Gumede must have been about sixty at the time, but was big, strong and healthy and never seemed to tire”.527 The gala occasion for the Congress was the Evening of National Culture. It consisted of an elaborate pageant of folk dances from the various Soviet republics and autonomous regions. The hosts of the Society gave their foreign guests a big farewell function. At the end of the evening Gumede and his company were greeted by an old Cossack cavalryman, Marshall Budenny who assured Gumede that the Russians “stand ready to come to his support anytime he needs them”.
The highlight of Gumede’s visit was undoubtedly the opportunity he had to meet and speak to Stalin. Haywood described this historic occasion: Tival, Stalin’s secretary informed us that we were invited to a party in the Kremlin. We walked the short distance across the square to the Kremlin. Once within the Kremlin walls, we were guided into one of the old palaces and then taken upstairs to a small hall. There were perhaps 50 people in the room. In the centre on one side was Stalin. He rose, shook our hands and
after we were introduced, welcomed us.
Gumede proudly recalled his long conversation with Stalin and stated that the latter was full of sympathy for the oppressed throughout the world. Stalin too, must have welcomed the opportunity to learn about the plight of Africans in South Africa. Borkenau claims that in 1927 Stalin was totally uninformed about foreign colonies.531 Haywood stated that folk dancers were all keen to be photographed with Gumede. “They gathered around him - one couple sitting on his lap and others behind him with their hands around him”. Stalin, observing all this, seemed amused. For Gumede his trip to the Soviet Union was very important for the future trajectory of Black politics in South Africa. In accordance with the decision taken at the Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union, the foreign guests were taken on tours to other regions of the Soviet Union.532 Gumede chose to visit the Georgian Republic.533 Stalin was born in Georgia and one
tends to think that this could well be one of the reasons for Gumede’s choice.
A.F. Plate, later Professor in Chemistry at Moscow State University, had been appointed to accompany Gumede as an interpreter. Before embarking on their trip by rail to Tiflis, the capital which is presently known as Tbilisi, Gumede purchased a fur cap and coat. “The weather was rather unusual for the South African”, claimed Plate. The journey to Georgia was long. Gumede asked about the many places they were passing on their route. Gumede’s was fascinated by the history of the Georgian Soviet Republic, founded in February 1921. Since March 1922 the republics of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia formed the Trans-Caucasian Federation. Georgians formed two-thirds of the Georgian population. The rest were the Russians, Abhasians, Armenians, Azerbaijanians and many other nationalities. Although the Georgians were the majority in their republic, there were more Armenians than Georgians living in the capital of Georgia (Tiflis). During the time of Tsarist Russia the discrimination with regard to privileges and inequalities between the ruling and subject races led to sporadic clashes, especially between the Armenians and Georgians. Gumede was informed that the Russian Revolution brought an end to those discriminatory practices, brought about a classless society with no trace of the former privileges and signalled the end of those bloody wars. Since the Russian Revolution, the Georgian Republic had become a wealthy region. Gumede was desperate to learn about this transformation. In Tiflis Gumede was given accommodation by the State in a fine hotel.
He was struck by the Georgians’ hospitality.535 Foreign visitors claimed that the Georgians had lost little of their national character. In outward appearance, the men and women are comely and black of brow and hair, their complexion is white and rosy. They are brave and hard working with great powers of endurance, bold cavaliers and eager for a fray. They are doughty warriors, lovers of arms. They are hospitable to guests and strangers. They change rapidly from a good mood to a bad one; are headstrong, ambitious and apt both to flatter and to take offence.
In Tiflis Gumede had various conversations with Georgian leaders and peasants. One of these meetings was held in the “House of the Peasant”. Plate recalled that Gumede had asked the peasants about their way of life in great detail. Gumede was curious to see “how this folk lived in comparison with his own people”. He also visited a number of Georgian villages to acquaint himself with the Georgian peasantry’s way of life. Plate claimed that the Georgians’ way of life differed from that of mid-Russian peasants:
In the Russian villages the lands of lords were also confiscated, the land belonged to the State and it was distributed among peasants taking into consideration the number of the members of their families.
Gumede was impressed with the impact of the Russian Revolution on the Georgian Republic, especially the manner in which the Georgian national problem was addressed. Gumede left Georgia with very important new insights. What was the significance of Gumede’s visit to the Soviet Union in 1927? Gumede realised that there were striking similarities between the struggles of the Nonwhites in South Africa and the struggles of the Russians before the 1917 Revolution. As to the extent that he was influenced by the freedom struggle of the Russian people Gumede responded in a striking manner:
I have seen the new world to come, where it has already begun. I have been to the new Jerusalem. I have brought the key which would unlock the door to freedom. Over the years Gumede’s famous quotation has been captured by many historians but its meaning is not always adequately explained. It is best to start with Plate’s observation about Gumede’s appraisal of the Russian Revolution:
Gumede considered one of the greatest achievements of our country that the Socialist Revolution managed to unite the people of different nationalities in their struggle for common ideals. He emphasised the significance of this experience for all nations struggling for their independence and considered that success in this struggle would highly depend on the unity of actions of all forces fighting against racism and colonialism. On the question how he proposed to pursue the goal of national liberartion in his native country, Gumede was clear: South Africa belonged to all who live in it, Black and White, hence the system of imperialism which, inter alia fostered the division and segregation of the racial groups in South Africa, was regarded as the common enemy to be overthrown. Secondly, he pledged to heal the racial and cultural tensions and actively to revive a sense of common South African citizenship. Thirdly he would appeal to all genuine antiimperialist forces and those who sympathises with the national revolutionary struggle of the oppressed peoples to unite against imperialist exploitation. Clearly the stakes were high and if Gumede were to fulfill his new mission, he would need to be honest about the weaknesses of the ANC and brave in steering it into a new and challenging direction. Having expressed his loyalty towards the achievements of the Russian Revolution and securing the support of the Comintern, Gumede took upon himself a great responsibility to persuade his own organisation to join forces with the CPSA and other revolutionary forces.
THE SECOND CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE AGAINST IMPERIALISM
At the beginning of December 1927 Gumede left Russia en route to Brussels for the second Congress of the League Against Imperialism.540 Despite earlier protest from the British government, the Belgian authorities allowed the Congress to take place. The second Brussels Congress met under different world-political circumstances to those prevailing at the first Congress. At the first Congress discussions centred on the support of the Chinese revolution. In this regard representatives of the British working class solemnly pledged to help the Chinese revolution. “The snows of March had not yet melted”, claimed Munzenberg, “ when the oaths of February had already been forgotten by the leaders of the British Labour Party”.541 Lansbury resigned shortly after the first Congress to take up the post as President of the British Labour Party. Munzenberg blamed the British delegates for allowing the execution of the Cantonese general Lu, who was so vociferously cheered in February 1927. Despite their earlier pledges to further the aims of the League, James Shield, member of the CPSA, stated that Gumede and La Guma had allowed the “issues and points raised by the first Brussels Conference to drift into oblivion”. In mitigation of Gumede, Shield argued that his problems lay at the feet of the new Executive who were dominated by men “who are in many respects closely allied to the South African Chamber of Mines”.
The Second Congress was officially opened on the afternoon of 9 December 1927. Thereafter, Edo Fimmen of the Mexican National Labour Federation delivered the political report on behalf of the Executive Committee of the League. He declared inter alia, that the first Congress “met with a strong response in all countries”. Gumede also learned that Senghor who had worked with him on the Negro Commission, had died on 25 November 1927.
The significance of the second Congress, as compared with the first one, was the open discussions about the role and position of the Comintern and the Second International within the League. Several Communists, especially Munzenberg, supported the Comintern appeal “to solve the colonial problem in a truly revolutionary sense”. Munzenberg criticised the Second International for the latter’s refusal to “proceed to a revolutionary solution of the colonial problem”. The Second International on its part spelled out its refusal to support or join the League on the basis that the League “was nothing else but a Communist manoeuvre.544 On the second day, 10 December, the General Council of the League unanimously adopted a resolution “protesting solemnly against the publication of the misleading, unjust and false document by the Second International, which it regards as a direct attack upon the numerous national organisations which are affiliated to the League”.545 Munzenberg claimed that the discussions at the second Congress regarding the Second International and the latter’s support of imperialist policy showed “that the national-revolutionary and social-revolutionary forces in the colonial and semi-colonial countries are already strong and independent enough to go their own revolutionary way”.
On 11 December Gumede was asked to report about the situation in South Africa.546 Although his actual speech was not reported, Gumede reiterated his commitment to establish a branch of the League Against Imperialism. For Gumede the significance of the second Brussels Congress lay in the organisatory as well
as in the political field. Delegates shared the notion that the League could solve its tasks “only if it succeeds in winning the millions of workers and peasants as bearers of its idea”.
GUMEDE AND THE LIGUE DE DEFENSE DE LA RACE NÁˆGRE IN PARIS
After the Brussels Congress, Gumede paid a short visit to France. Gumede showed great interest in the activities of the Ligue de Defense de la Race Nègre (hereinafter LDRN), which had been founded by the late Lamine Senghor in May 1927.548 Tiemoko Goran Kouyatte, a young Sudanese-born (now Mali) politician was Senghor’s successor.549 Gumede’s speech at the first Brussels Conference was reproduced in the debut edition of Courrier des Noirs on 1 November 1927. The Courrier was founded by and edited by Saint-Jacques, another League member. During January 1928 Gumede attended a meeting of the LDRN in Paris. Gumede found striking parallels between the political struggles of the French Africans and those of the Africans in South Africa for equality.
Gumede witnessed that fully nationalist goals were formulated and developed within the LDRN. Kouyate was dedicated to not deviating from the political path of the late Senghor. Both men strove for national independence of the French colonies in Africa. On a more personal level, Gumede and Kouyate shared the same dilemma with regard to their relations with the respective Communist Parties and the Comintern.550 Both men accepted and supported the colonial theses of the Comintern. Gumede and Kouyate were impressed with the Comintern’s support of African independence at a time when their respective Imperial Powers, Britain and France envisaged nothing more than a gradual progression towards some form of limited African representation. Furthermore since both organisations faced financial upheavals, collaboration with their respective Communist Parties offered them access to financial and moral support available nowhere else in their native countries. Gumede held discussions with black members of the French House of Representatives. He was well pleased to hold conversations with a black general who was in charge of an Aviation department based in Paris and a black principal of a local college. Gumede’s experience in France raises serious doubts whether he fully identified with the aims of the League. Evidence for this claim is based on his comments on his visit to France. Despite the criticism levelled at the French colonial policy of assimilation at the Brussels Congresses, Gumede acknowledged certain positive developments during his stay in Paris:
In Paris is perfect freedom. There is no colour bar and the party places were open to all. No doubt that the blackman fought for France until the last (sic). All these happenings made a great impression on him. Gumede’s perspective was never the same after his last European trip. Meanwhile La Guma’s priority was to develop and clarify the draft resolution on the South Africa question with the newly-formed Negro Sub-Commission. Harry Haywood, the Vice-Chairman, was impressed by the “revolutionary potential” of La Guma. Haywood argued that La Guma supplied specific details about the revolutionary nature of the Africans’ struggle for emancipation for inclusion in the draft resolution. The extended resolution, which was to informe CPSA policy for a long time to come, starts with a definition of South Africa as “a British dominion of the colonial type” which included striking colonial features. On the impact of capitalism, the resolution states:
British capital continues to occupy the principal economic positions in the country and ... the South African bourgeoisie is equally interested in the merciless exploitation of the negro population. On the basis of this growth of capitalism there is a growing tendency to expropriate the land of the negroes and from a certain section of the White farming population. The South African bourgeoisie is endeavouring also by legislative means to create a cheap market of labour power and a reserve army.
La Guma brought the extended resolution back to South Africa to be debated and modified by the CPSA prior to its approval at the Sixth World Congress scheduled for July 1928 in Moscow. La Guma knew very well that the new resolution would run into strong opposition from Sydney Bunting and his followers. He was right. At the December 1927 conference of the CPSA, Bunting insisted that the South African revolution was a direct struggle for Sociali