Makhanda Nxele

Born Makhanda but also known as Nxele, the itola, he is best known in history for leading the ‘Battle of Grahamstown’ in 1819. Except for his political and spiritual influences in Xhosa society, there is little direct evidence to shed light on Makhanda in his entirety. Reverend John Campbell, who met Makhanda, described him:

“We found Lynx a fine figure of a man, measuring six feet two inches in height… He had many marks of old cuts, or wounds, on different parts of his body, especially behind his shoulders…He had a kind of tattooing in the form of a cross, under his breast.”[4]

With information such as the above, historians have done extensive work in using the clues left to us by colonial records and sources as well as Xhosa oral traditions, to formulate a historical narrative of Makhanda based on the socio-political and religious milieu of the period in which he existed. Thus, meaning has been given to Makhanda’s behaviour and actions, thereby giving us some idea of who he was and what he meant to the amaXhosa. Examining an influential figure like Makhanda gives us significant understanding of Xhosa society at the time of colonial onslaught and sheds invaluable insight to an early liberation struggle against the encroachment of African land and African sovereignty. History has promoted two images of Makhanda; 1) Makhanda who led his people to be defeated based on religious fanaticism and 2) Makhanda who led his people to resist European colonialism. This biography seeks to go beyond presenting Makhanda as simply a reactionary to western values and instead to create as much as possible, a holistic picture of a man who was both a product of his environment and a resistor thereof. When it comes to the precolonial/colonial past, caution must be exercised along with a critical eye of the sources used to construct history. These sources are often saturated with biases, agendas or inherent beliefs and perspectives that prevent them from being a hundred percent reliable. There are some, albeit few, sources that reveal experiences of people who met Makhanda and some of them refer to him as “Lynx” which is a wild cat - a perverted pronunciation of the Dutch word “Linksch”.[5]

Reverend Campbell met him on Robben Island in November 1819 and wrote about the visit in his journal.[6]

Some sources show traces of interactions with A.A. van der Lingen in Grahamstown, whom Makhanda frequently visited and conversed with. [7]

The missionary James Read, stayed at Makhanda’s home in 1816. [8]

Reverend Joseph Williams recorded a visit by Makhanda at his mission station near Chief Ngqika’s Great Place. [9]

The literate Thomas Pringle never actually met Makhanda, but in 1827 conducted thorough research on the war-doctor and produced it in ‘New Monthly Magazine’ and ‘Narratives of a residence in South Africa’.[10]

Anders Stockenstrӧm left an account, written many years after the incident, of Makhanda’s surrender. [11]

The soldier, Charles Lennox Stretch, gave an account of the Grahamstown Battle and was also a part of the British force that held Makhanda captive. [12]

However, he also wrote years after the experience. There is a record of what is referred to as the ‘Great Speech’ made by Makhanda’s head councillor at the time of his surrender. It is a speech credited for being the most accurate understanding of Makhanda’s experiences and views. [13]

In the 1870s, George McCall Theal collected oral interviews on several topics that included Makhanda and he then produced a profile in ‘History of South Africa from 1795 to 1872. ’[14]

In 1827, George Thompson, a traveller, made observations of the reputation of Makhanda amongst the amaXhosa. [15]

These are some of the primary textual sources that historians have based their research on.It is unclear where Makhanda was born, it could either be in an area near what is today known as Willowvale or Qhagqiwa River. Makhanda’s father, Gwala, was Xhosa and part of the amaCwerha clan, but he died when Makhanda was young. [16]

His mother was a Khoi woman and Makhanda may have inherited his divine spiritual inclinations from her. [17]

When Gwala died, Makhanda’s mother moved him, his elder brother and two sisters to the home of Balala.[18]

Makhanda was fairly acquainted with the Dutch language and European culture, which historians attribute to the employment of his father on a Boer farm near Uitenhage as well as the influence of missionaries in his life such as Johannes van der Kemp. [19]

Descendants of Makhanda say that the family home is near present-day Glenmore[20]

The scholar Tisani describes Makhanda as a youngster in the community as follows:

“He was a solitary, mysterious child, often wondering off by himself. When he grew older Nxele went to live in the bush for extended periods. He fasted there and on occasional visits home he refused food because, he claimed, it had become unclean during preparation through the sins of his people.” [21]

Makhanda was very critical about the sins of his people and one day he was caught and had a rope tied around him to be gagged. [22]

However, an individual by the name of Qalanga intervened and recognised that Makhanda was showing signs of being a diviner. Locating precise dates of events in this period is difficult, but this incident was approximately after Makhanda’s initiation ceremony. Qalanga then took Makhanda to Chief Ndlambe. [23]

By then he was given the name Nxele, which means left-handed, which he was. [24]

So, although Makhanda was born a commoner, he certainly did not die one.

It is necessary to detour for a bit and attempt to explain the role of diviners or iinyanga in Xhosa society for it is critical to understanding Makhanda. Religion for the amaXhosa was part of their day to day activities and deeply connected to the land that they lived on and used to sustain their livelihoods and institutions. They believed in Qamata (God) and ancestors, who served as intermediaries between Qamata and the living. The ancestors also served as protectors of the living. Diviners were individuals chosen by the ancestors and accepted by the people to communicate with the ancestors. In addition they also dealt with “cases of illness, sickness, poisoning, sudden death, lost property, failure of crops, epidemics of disease in human beings and cattle, mysterious deaths in flocks, times of natural calamity, asking favours of the ancestral spirits on behalf of some important tribal interest.” [25]

Diviners were not confined to a particular social rank. [26]

More so, because of the significance that a diviner held within Xhosa society, particularly in periods of crisis, if they were deemed untrustworthy, the community would retaliate against them. [27]

Those “who emerged to fill that role of inyanga were persons that displayed an acute awareness and sensitivity to the needs of their respective communities. [28]

” Signs of a diviner, is seen in the process of ukuthwasa whereby the individual exhibits queer behaviour, isolates themselves, makes radical declarations, appears insane, talks about things before they happen and are proved correct when it does happen. [29]

There are seven categories of classification of a diviner:[30]

After Qalanga took Makhanda to Chief Ndlambe, the young diviner trained and rose in prominence to become a close adviser to the Chief. In fact, it could be stated that Makhanda was a diviner among royalty, because of his role in leading the mourning ceremony after the deaths of Chief Rharhabe and his son Mlawu, of which King Khawuta attended. [31]

This gives us a clue as to the age at which Makhanda was a fully functioning iinyanga, because to be involved in that ceremony he had to be in his early twenties; for age was an important factor in Xhosa society. [32]

More so, it explains how he came to occupy a national role of leading amaXhosa, beyond just the amaNdlambe people.

James Read and Johannes van der Kemp put up a mission station on the edge of the Zuurveld near Algoa Bay in 1802, called Bethelsdorp, which is how the missionaries were able to influence the amaXhosa. [33]

As such Makhanda’s sense of spirituality was not rigidly confined to the amaXhosa. He was very interested in Christianity. In fact, Makhanda and Chief Ngqika stayed at Joseph Williams’s mission station for a week to learn to read and learn elements of Christianity. [34]

Williams noted there had been tension between the two men; other than this glimpse we do not know much of the two’s relations. Makhanda thus incorporated features of Christianity as he preached against witchcraft, theft, adultery and blood shedding. [35]

At some point he went so far as to chastise Chief Ndlambe for having more than one wife. [36]

He also incorporated the concept of resurrection into his preaching. It is uncertain, though, to what extent he had been converted to Christianity and there is no formal record of him having been baptised. [37]

It was due to Makhanda’s influence that the missionaries were received well among the Xhosa, however he soon became disillusioned with them. [38]

Makhanda regarded himself as an equal to the missionaries in pursuit of the good of man, but he felt that that was not returned and he was not respected as a diviner in his own right. [39]

He could see that Christianity as presented by the missionaries was tarnished with imperialistic intentions – that of making the amaXhosa subordinate to the Europeans; socially, politically and spiritually. Hence, Makhanda formulated an understanding of Thixo being the God of Whites and Mdalidiphu as the God of Blacks. [40]

“These internal and external pressures fused the Christian, traditional and personal elements in Nxele’s religious thinking into a comprehensive cosmological synthesis.” [41]

An example of Makhanda in his religious state is the Gompo Rock incident, which is widely mentioned in literature. It must be noted that this was the pre-political and pre-military phase of his life. [42]

The Gompo Rock is west of East London. It is a sacred space where two huge rocks project out of the sea at 14m high with a channel between them. After collecting a fee of one cow from each of the participants who chose to partake in the ceremony, Makhanda gathered them at Gompo Rock on the premise that he would raise their ancestors to life and that all who were guilty of witchcraft would fall into the sea. [43]

However, when people entered the water with a war cry, they were reprimanded for not following Makhanda’s instructions and sent home as a result. [44]

Although this event had no effect on diminishing the diviner’s influence on the amaXhosa, Ntsikana, the rival diviner of Chief Ngqika, launched attacks against Makhanda claiming that he was a fraud and misled the people. Ntsikana’s descendants had access to missionary controlled printing press and so were able to control the historical narrative of Makhanda from the perspective of Ntsikana. [45]

Beyond the spiritual context of Makhanda’s life, it is most vital to understand the political environment he lived in. Between 1781 and 1819, the first five frontier wars were fought over the Zuurveld (where Makhanda and the amaNdlambe lived). [46]

This land lies between Port Elizabeth and the Fish River. In 1777, the Dutch Governor Joachim van Plettenberg claimed to make a treaty with Xhosa chiefs agreeing that the Fish River would be a boundary between them and the colony, but he had not consulted the King. [47]

So began the struggle over that land.

The first two frontier wars occurred when the Dutch East Indian Company was in power and the amaXhosa were able to push the Boers off the land in the Zuurveld through calculated acts of warfare in the form of cattle theft. [48]

This was to assert that the amaXhosa considered the presence of the Europeans as unwanted. What occurred was a cycle of conflicts that saw the Europeans using commandos against the amaXhosa and raiding them of their cattle and at times enslaving individuals. Hence, the advent of Europeans resulted in:

“Gonaqua Khoi, San, amaXhosa, Dutch farming settlers, missionaries of several European nationalities, slaves from far and wide, English colonial administrators and military officials all jostled together in a fluid and complex society.” [49]

When the British took over, officials met Chief Ngqika in 1797 requesting that the amaXhosa move east across the Fish River so that the Zuurveld could be cleared for colonial occupation to which he rejected. [50]

Despite this, the British went ahead and declared the Fish River the official colonial boundary which was not recognised by the Chiefs. [51]

When negotiations ceased to have any effect, Jacob Cuyler recommended a strong military presence, spies to observe and report, mass immigration bribes, incentives for the Boers to return and immediate settlement of Europeans. [52]

By June 1812, Colonel John Graham had introduced warfare to the amaXhosa through gunpoint and the burning of villages and crops – expelling people who had resided there for a century. [53]

The amaNdlambe were forced to then reside in Chief Ngqika’s territory in the southern areas of the coast along the Fish and Keiskamma areas. [54]

However, the cycle of cattle thefts and overt European aggression continued.

It must be noted that in literature Makhanda is almost always mentioned in the context of Chief Ndlambe and Chief Ngqika’s tense relationship. This added another layer of complexity in the dynamic of conflicts. The Battle of Amalinde was a culmination of Chiefs joining forces to teach Chief Ngqika a lesson, as he had been troublesome and fraternising with the colonial authorities, beyond his scope of authority, which were to have dire consequences later. Makhanda’s relations in this rivalry are hard to discern. However, this tension eventually culminated in the Grahamstown Battle. Lieutenant Thomas Brereton, despite colonial government instructions, went ahead and gathered a military force to violently perform the worst raid that the amaNdlambe had experienced as it reduced them to a state of near starvation and Chief Ngqika’s people, seeking revenge, had joined them. [55]

Chiefs who had before been uncertain about a full on warfare against the Europeans now took a stand to unite for “the Brereton raid marked a clear declaration of war to which the amaXhosa responded with unprecedented determination.” [56]

This was the political milieu that Makhanda was a product of and operated in. His status, authority and influence had elevated as he embraced amaXhosa nationality as illustrated by the taking of his second wife who was Chief Ndlambe’s niece.[57]

This move tied him to the royal lineage.

As the (itola), Makhanda took a centrefold role in war preparation, by rallying the amaXhosa and uniting them. For weeks prior to the Grahamstown Battle, they engaged in guerrilla war acts which involved moving in small groups and attacking Europeans. [58]

They would use natural scenery to hide and come out at night, collecting horses, artillery, ammunition and iron for making spears. The biggest critique, having no substantial proof, is that in doctoring the warriors, Makhanda promised them that the British bullets would turn into water at the battle. Allegations such as this aid in diverting the real issue of the battle, and the intentions of Makhanda. [59]

There is no record of what Makhanda may have told the warriors the night before the battle. On the day of the battle, 5000-10 000 Xhosa warriors descended upon Grahamstown. Mdushane, the son of Chief Ndlambe, led the commanding forces. Makhanda commanded the second column of plumed warriors, who were the more seasoned fighters. Warriors carried bundles of spears that were 1.8m long and blades that were 19cm. [60]

The scene at Grahamstown was that of a formal national war as indicated by the procession, attire and organization of the amaXhosa – all signs of a planned, prepared and intentional battle. [61]

However, the amaXhosa were defeated by the British cannon and artillery. If it had been an attack at night, the outcome may have been different. Historians wrote of Makhanda in the battle as being “driven by a mysterious and exotic form of African religious fanaticism.” [62]

Such statements or comments again detract the issue of the conflict over the land and instead focuses it on religion.

Historian, Mostert wrote:

“Grahamstown was the most significant battle of the nineteenth century in South Africa, for, had Nxele succeeded, the history and character of frontier South Africa indubitably would have been quite different from what followed.” [63]

The amaXhosa lost more territory to the colonizers and were still hunted down after the Grahamstown Battle, as some warriors attempted to fight back. The British had abandoned all manners of civility to exert control over the land they desired for colonial occupation, including their alliance with Chief Ngqika who tried to stay out of the battle, though some of his people were spotted at the battle. [64]

At this point Chiefs had to resort to negotiations to ensure survival of their people. As such, two women acting as diplomats (said to be the wives of Makhanda) entered the camp of Anders Stockenström. [65]

Thereafter, Makhanda unexpectedly entered the camp and offered himself in surrender, as a hostage to be kept on the promise that his life would be spared, so that the negotiations could be pursued. [66]

The next day Lieutenant Thomas Willshire fetched Makhanda and took him to Grahamstown, awaiting the instructions of the governor. [66]

This is where the Great Speech was made when councillors came to Willshire’s camp and requested peace. Colonial officials believed that Makhanda surrendered because his people had rejected him due to their defeat, but Makhanda surrendered in sincerely and his followers had no knowledge of it. They remained loyal to their Chiefs and leaders despite threats and bribes from the enemy to give them up. [68]

Nevertheless, the British were not moved and they continued to clear out the territory between the Fish and the Keiskamma Rivers of all the amaXhosa. [69]

Makhanda thus tried to escape at Grahamstown and during his escort to Uitenhage, where he was kept to be taken to Robben Island. [70]

On the 26th of September 1819, Makhanda arrived in Uitenhage and he was scheduled to leave on the 29th aboard the Nautilus ship. [71]

However, on the day the governor arrived on the Redwing ship and so Makhanda left on that ship instead from Algoa Bay, arriving in Cape Town on the 10th of October. [72]

Two days later he was taken to Robben Island. By August, there were eighteen other Xhosa prisoners, who like Makhanda, had had no trial or sentencing. It is a possibility that these prisoners may have been taken due to ignoring colonial boundaries. [73]

They had already attempted to escape once in March 1820 by enlarging the window in the prison block, but they had been beaten down by the guards. [74]

Although Robben Island was a prison for convicts at the time, there was a man by the name of John Murray who ran a whaling business on the island (in 1823 the colonial government bought the business out to prevent any more escapes). [75]

He kept small whaling boats and had a house on the island. Makhanda was kept prisoner in a two roomed house at the bottom of Murray’s garden in solitude, for fear that he would incite the other prisoners to rebel. [76]

Makhanda lived 1.5km away from the main prison. Possibilities of interaction were limited to the Murray’s labourers and two guards that stood outside his door. He was allowed daily walks on the beach. All instructions for his imprisonment and provision came directly from the governor’s office. [77]

What we know of Makhanda’s escape comes from official correspondence, court records, prison records and newspaper articles, although prisoners’ real names were not always noted. [78]

The escape occurred in August 1820 and the masterminds of it were in the main prison. Two key role players were David Stuurman and Hans Trompetter – veterans of the Khoi war in 1799-1803. [79]

Stuurman had already escaped from Robben Island before, four months into his detainment. He and another fellow escaped on a whaling boat and went to the eastern frontier to live among the amaXhosa and they supposedly visited Makhanda’s kraal frequently. [80]

After the 1819 war, he was recaptured and sent to Robben Island. It may be that it was Stuurman who was determined to free Makhanda.

Three other active participants were Khoi convicts who were imprisoned for deserting their colonial masters - Jan Swart, Abraham Leenderts and Kiewet. [81]

Kiewet and Leenderts had tried to escape on the way to Robben Island but had been recaptured. [82]

The other participants were slaves that escaped from western farming districts - Salomon of the Cape, Absolon of the Cape and Jan of Mozambique. [83]

Holmes and Johan Smidt were two European convicts who also played a lead role. [84]

The escape happened at daybreak before soldiers were awake. [85]

Smidt punched the guard at the door, William Wood, which led from the prisoner quarters to the guards’ quarters. [86]

Smidt took the guard to the hospital and returned with his rifle and ammunition to free the other prisoners. One soldier, William Alpass, heard the noise and woke up, but Smidt stabbed him and so the escapees went into the sleeping quarters of the soldiers to fetch more weapons and ammunition and wounded more soldiers who tried to get up. [87]

Using a bayonet, one prisoner made a hole in the wall of the prison, through which one group of them climbed out while the others were getting weapon supplies. Smidt went to another room where he fought Sergeant John Jones to gain access to more supplies. [88]

The escapees succeeded in pushing their way through although there was a fire exchange outside. Smidt and others also blocked the path between the prison and the commandant’s house. Smidt shot and missed when Commandant Frederik Carel Petrie came out and two escapees went into his house for more supplies. [89]

All in all the escapees took nineteen guns, most of the ammunition and injured eight soldiers. [90]

They then went to Murray’s house using the cattle as shields. [91]

There Smidt took Marc Bryant’s weapon, Murray’s clerk and overseer, and he surrendered. Trompetter led fourteen amaXhosa to Makhanda and with Bryant, who convinced the two guards to put down their weapons, set the itola free. [92]

They proceeded back to Murray’s house for more supplies. Outside they got four boats, one of which broke against the rocks when they put them in the water. [93]

As they were about to leave Petrie, a lieutenant and five soldiers, fully armed, came after them. One boat with Kiewet and Holmes immediately left and the others went to hide in the bushes of the shore near Murray’s house, where they were able to ambush the soldiers thereby forcing them to retreat, giving the first boat time to escape. [94]

However, the first boat had capsized near Jan Biesjes Kraal and only three escapees survived swimming ashore. On the second boat, twelve escapees landed safely on the shore of Melkbosch (today’s Melkbosstrand). [95]

The last boat had Makhanda, Stuurman, Trompetter and other amaXhosa escapees. They rowed 7.5m to the nearest shore which was Bloubergstrand and as they drew near the boat capsized in the rough waters. [96]

Only four from this boat survived – Trompetter, Stuurman and two amaXhosa by the names of Jan Gawula and Halala. [97]

Eventually, most of the escapees were caught and tried. However, there were seven of these prisoners who were granted freedom in 1822, two of whom worked as translators on a ship and five who may have returned home to tell the story of the escape. [98]

“Oddly, the written records reveal a conspiracy of silence about Makhanda’s fate.” [99]

Some Xhosa oral traditions believe that Makhanda was shot on the island and his body was thrown into the sea. [100]

One missionary named Stephen Kay claimed that he saw Makhanda’s body washed ashore in Cape Town. [101]

There were no autopsy records (which were normally meticulous). The colonial government made no formal notice about his death and did not return Makhanda’s body to his people let alone inform them of his death or make any statements. [102]

Considering the identities of the role players of the escape, it was seen as a politically motivated escape. The colonialists may have been fearful of a rebellion or a renewal in resistance if the amaXhosa knew of Makhanda’s death at their hands. [103]

Makhanda’s family did not perform any burial ceremony for fifty years in the belief that Makhanda would return. [104]

“The memory of Makhanda remained one that was cherished with unparalleled reverence by generations of amaXhosa.” [105]

Decades later, after attempts to find Makhanda’s body failed, in April 2013 in Bloubergstrand Cape Town, a ceremony was performed to retrieve and repatriate Makhanda’s spirit. [106]

Eighty people from the Eastern Cape gathered on the beach, including members from the Eastern Cape Provincial and local government, National Heritage Council, traditional leaders and the Robben Island Museum. The eighth descendent of Makhanda, Notaka Mjuza, led the ceremony performing ukubuyiswa – retrieval of the spirit and placing it in a coffin. [107]

Afterwards, the coffin was taken to Eastern Cape and received by South African Defence Force members. It was then buried in Tshabo, a village near King Williams Town. It was South Africa’s first underwater repatriation. [108]

The defeat experienced in Grahamstown enabled the British to exert their authority more consistently than before and they populated the stolen territories with more immigrants in 1820. Makhanda’s life story, as limited as the information is, serves as an example of what an early liberation struggle looked like in relation to the onslaught of colonialism for:

“Nxele pioneered the spirit of Black consciousness among the black people of South Africa.” [109]

End notes:

[4]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p27 ↵

[5]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p104 ↵

[6]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p22 ↵

[7]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p22 ↵

[8]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p23 ↵

[9]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p24 ↵

[10]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p25 ↵

[11]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p25 ↵

[12]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p25 ↵

[13]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p26 ↵

[14]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p26 ↵

[15]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p27 ↵

[16]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p28 ↵

[17]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p104 ↵

[18]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p28 ↵

[19]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p103 ↵

[20]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p29 ↵

[21]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p107 ↵

[22] Jeff Peires, The House of Phalo (Johannesburg and Cape Town: Jonathan Ball Publishers, 1981), p78 ↵

[23] Jeff Peires, The House of Phalo (Johannesburg and Cape Town: Jonathan Ball Publishers, 1981), p78 ↵

[24]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p104 ↵

[25] P.T. Mtuze, “Hidden Presences in the Spirituality of the amaXhosa of the Eastern Cape and the Impact of Christianity on them” (MA diss., Rhodes University, 1999), p46 ↵

[26]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p73 ↵

[27]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p87 ↵

[28]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p70 ↵

[29]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p72&76 ↵

[30]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p80&83 ↵

[31]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p108 ↵

[32]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p109 ↵

[33]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p83 ↵

[34]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p38-49 ↵

[35]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p35 ↵

[36]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p165 ↵

[37]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p167 ↵

[38]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p38 ↵

[39]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p171 ↵

[40]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), p170 ↵

[41]Jeff Peires, The House of Phalo (Johannesburg and Cape Town: Jonathan Ball Publishers, 1981), p80 ↵

[42]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p254 ↵

[43]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p32 ↵

[44]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p32 ↵

[45]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p46&51 ↵

[46]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p75 ↵

[47]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p78 ↵

[48]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p79 ↵

[49]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p84 ↵

[50]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p81-82 ↵

[51]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p82 ↵

[52]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p92 ↵

[53]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p93 ↵

[54]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p115 ↵

[55]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p146-148 ↵

[56]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p149 ↵

[57]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p254 ↵

[58]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p157 ↵

[59]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p55 ↵

[60]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p168 ↵

[61]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p251 ↵

[62]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p167 ↵

[63]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p166 ↵

[64]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p175 ↵

[65]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p202 ↵

[66]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p202 ↵

[67]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p203 ↵

[68]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p204 ↵

[69]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p205 ↵

[70]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p216 ↵

[71]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p216 ↵

[72]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p216 ↵

[73]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p221-222 ↵

[74]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p223 ↵

[75]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p218 ↵

[76]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p216 ↵

[76]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p219 ↵

[78]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p217 ↵

[79]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p224 ↵

[80]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p216 ↵

[81]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p216 ↵

[82]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p2225 ↵

[83]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p216 ↵

[84]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p226 ↵

[85]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p226 ↵

[86]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p226 ↵

[87]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p227 ↵

[88]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p227 ↵

[89]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p228 ↵

[90]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p228 ↵

[91]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p228 ↵

[92]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p228 ↵

[93]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p229 ↵

[94]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p229 ↵

[95]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p229 ↵

[96]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p229 ↵

[97]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p230 ↵

[98]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p233 ↵

[99]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p234 ↵

[100]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p230 ↵

[101]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p230 ↵

[102]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p234 ↵

[103]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p234 ↵

[104]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p216 ↵

[105]Julia C. Wells, The Return of Makhanda – Exploring the Legend (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2012), p170 ↵

[106]Jason Naude, “A warrior’s spirit returns home”, Dispatch Live, 22 April 2013 accessed 29 June 2017 available [online]: www.dispatchlive.co.za ↵

[107]Jason Naude, “A warrior’s spirit returns home”, Dispatch Live, 22 April 2013 accessed 29 June 2017 available [online]: www.dispatchlive.co.za ↵

[108]Jason Naude, “A warrior’s spirit returns home”, Dispatch Live, 22 April 2013 accessed 29 June 2017 available [online]: www.dispatchlive.co.za ↵

[109]Ezra Vuyisile Tisani, “Nxele and Ntsikana” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1987), 109 ↵