By 1980, the Black Consciousness organisations were in a gradual decline and struggling to avert state repression. Congress-inspired traditions were also re-emerging. The Johannesburg-based Sunday Post launched a nationwide 'Release Mandela' campaign, with some 1,5-million people signing the petition. The campaign was supported by a wide variety of tendencies, including the Soweto Committee of Ten, Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) , the Labour Party, the South African Council of Churches (SACC) and the Natal Indian Congress (NIC).
This period saw the multiplication of struggles against the state, especially by workers, students, civic organisations, churches, the liberation movements and their armed wings as well as myriad organisations and forces.
African National Congress (ANC) and uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) activity was becoming more and more bold, and evident. In March 1980, an MK cache and ANC leaflets were discovered by police in a township near Springs on the East Rand. Later in the same month, a Pretoria court sentenced nine men to terms in prison after they were found guilty of recruiting and training guerrillas. On 4 April, ANC cadres launched a rocket and grenade attack on the Booysens Police Station, scattering pamphlets demanding the release of Walter Sisulu.
Schools became the site of fierce resistance in 1980, and protests that began at Coloured schools in Cape Town in April spread to schools and colleges throughout the country, to Pretoria, Eldorado Park and Lenasia, among many other Black schools. Hundreds of school children in Johannesburg were arrested. When churches expressed their support for the school children, 53 clergymen were arrested in Johannesburg and charged under the Riotous Assemblies Act. By September, the government closed more than 70 Black schools, mostly in the Cape Province. The boycott only ended in January 1981 after Congress of South African Students (COSAS) decided to suspend the boycott.
Union activity was also sharply stepped up. In July 1980, 10000 municipal workers went on strike in Johannesburg. More than 1000 were dismissed and police supervised their removal, arresting the chairman and secretary of the unrecognised Black Municipal Workers Union. Both were charged under the Sabotage Act.
Bombing campaigns stepped up. The 20th anniversary of the Republic, 31 May 1980, was marked by nationwide protests, while the offices of the Progressive Federal Party (PFP) were bombed, with a group called the SA Liberation Support Cadre claiming responsibility for the blast.
The offices of the West Rand Administration Board in Meadowlands, Soweto, were bombed in May 1982. By June, the Security Police revealed that it had recorded 60 attacks by the ANC in 1981, compared to 19 in 1980 and 12 in 1979. In August 1982, three ANC members were given the death sentence for attacks on Orlando and Moroka police stations and Wonderboom police station in Pretoria.
The ANC was blamed for two bomb blasts in June 1983 at the offices of the Department of Internal Affairs and at police headquarters in Roodepoort. In August 1983, a bomb exploded in a synagogue in Johannesburg a few hours before State President Viljoen was due to attend a ceremony. An explosion at the offices of the Department of Foreign Affairs in Johannesburg in the same year became the 42nd such attack in the year.
In May 1984, the Minister of Law and Order announced that 14 armed attacks had taken place from January 1984 to May 1984. The anniversary of 16 June was once again marked by clashes between police and demonstrators, and the ANC and PAC issued statements encouraging victims of apartheid to render the country ungovernable.
From September 1984 to 24 January 1986, 955 people were killed in political violence incidents, and 3 658 injured. 25 members of the security forces were killed and 834 injured, and there were 3 400 incidents of violence in the Western Cape.
On 9 January, 1987 a bomb exploded in a department store in Johannesburg.
But security forces were also engaging in bombing activity. Congress of South African Trade Unions' (COSATU) offices in Johannesburg were bombed on 7 May 1987. In September 1988, police bombed Khotso House, the headquarters of the UDF and SACC.
The UDF and National Forum broaden resistance
The Transvaal Indian Congress was re-launched in Johannesburg in January 1983, the same month that Molvi Saloojee, its last president, died. The decision to re-launch the organisation was made at the annual congress of the Anti-SAIC Committee, which also decided on the creation of a united front, which eventually resulted in the formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in May 1983. But it was only 20 August that it was officially launched in Mitchells Plain in Cape Town.
On 11-12 June 1983, the rival National Forum, a BC-aligned grouping, was launched, with Azapo dominating the proceedings, and identifying racial capitalism as the real enemy. The participants had made the call for a united front some years before, but its launch, a little after the launch of the Congress-aligned UDF made it appear a reactive development. The two organisations differed on the question of the racial policies, with the UDF taking a non-racial policy – despite accusations that it had within its fold racially based organisations – and the NF sticking to its policy of keeping Whites out of resistance organisations.
The immediate task of the UDF was to oppose PW Botha’s new constitution, passed in 1983, and his plans for a Tricameral Parliament. Elections in 1984 for the Coloured and Indian chambers of Parliament in August and September respectively were largely boycotted, but President PW Botha argued that the low turnout did not invalidate the new constitution.
Meanwhile, the call to release Nelson Mandela from prison had, since the mid-1980s, become a global issue. At the end of January 1985, in Parliament, PW Botha announced proposals to release Nelson Mandela, while the Minister of Cooperation and Development told the Foreign Correspondents Association that forced removals of Black people would be suspended. On 10 February, at the Jabulani Stadium in Soweto, Mandela’s daughter Zindzi read out a speech written by Mandela turning down the offer of release.
Following this refusal, UDF offices throughout the country were raided and more than 100 activists were detained. Among these, 12 UDF leaders were taken into custody, and six of them were charged with high treason.
Twelve leaders of the UDF, facing charges of treason in the Pietermaritzburg Supreme Court, were acquitted in December 1985. By June 1986 the remaining four were also acquitted.
By November 1985, about 8000 UDF members had been arrested, and many had been killed or fled the country. The front suffered especially during the State of Emergency, first announced in 1985, and its leadership was continually under pressure. Prolonged trials in Delmas, east of Johannesburg, and Pietermaritzburg also forced the leadership’s attention away from political planning.
The UDF forged an alliance with the newly established Congress of COSATU, the trade union federation, in 1986, and by the time the UDF was banned, along with 16 other organisations in February 1988, its activists formed the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM), led by COSATU.
State Repression
When Dr. Neil Agget, a secretary of the African Food and Canning Workers Union was found dead in his cell in February, there was widespread condemnation, and more than 85000 workers observed a 30-minute work stoppage. More than 5000 people attended his funeral two days later on 11 February 1982.
Carl Niehaus, an ANC-aligned theologian, was sentenced to 15 years in prison for high treason, while his fiancée was sentenced to four years.
On 30 December, 1985 Winnie Mandela was arrested in Johannesburg for contravening her banning order, which restricted her to the town of Brandfort. Her banning order came to an end on 7 July 1986, when she became free of all restrictions for the first time in two decades.
On 1 May 1989, Dr. David Webster, a social anthropologist at the University of the Witwatersrand and a leading anti-apartheid activist, was shot dead outside his home. The student body Congress of South African Students (COSAS) was banned on 28 August 1985.
As the new constitution came into effect on 1 September 1984, political violence escalated, especially in the Vaal Triangle, and some 200 people were killed within a short period. The Vaal Triangle became the scene of the most sustained uprising in the history of the country.
Strike activity on the rise
A strike by mineworkers was called off after the first day because more than 250 miners had been injured. But mineworkers continued their strike and seven mineworkers were killed by police and 89 injured.
On 6 October, the South African Defence Force (SADF) was deployed to Soweto to support police efforts at containing ongoing unrest.
Three townships south of Johannesburg –Sebokeng, Sharpeville and Boipatong – were sealed off by a force of 7000 soldiers, who carried out house searches and arrested 358 people. But more violence broke out in Sebokeng and police were under pressure in townships across the country. A call for a two-day general strike in the PWV region, called for by COSAS and Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU), was observed by half a million workers and 400 000 students on 5-6 November.
In response, police arrested trade unionists linked to UDF affiliates.
May Day 1986 saw the largest stay-away in SA’s history, with 1, 5-million people observing the call.
On 9 August, about 200 000 members of the National Union of Mineworkers embarked on a three-week strike, the longest in South African history.
Despite the ban on COSATU, the federation called for a strike from 6 to 8 June, a call observed by an estimated 3-million workers throughout the country. Later, on 16 June, a million workers stayed at home on the 12th anniversary of the student uprising.
States of Emergency: July 1985
The increasingly volatile resistance to government’s constitutional plans saw the state resorting to the most draconian of state measures. The government announced a State of Emergency on 21 July 1985, affecting 36 magisterial districts, mostly in Johannesburg, and the Eastern Cape. In October the emergency was extended to Cape Town and seven surrounding areas. The emergency was lifted on 7 March 1986, but reinstated a few months later on 12 June 1986, this time to last until February 1990, and extended to the entire country.
On 15 August 1985, President PW Botha made his infamous 'Rubicon' speech, rejecting calls for fundamental reform. In response, ANC President Oliver Tambo announced in Lusaka that the armed struggle would be intensified.
International markets took a dim view of Botha’s speech and the Rand plummeted, kicking off a sustained financial crisis in South Africa.
Despite the emergency and state repression, the year saw the formation of the trade union federation COSATU on 30 November 1985, with a membership of 500 000. In March 1986, COSATU leaders flew to Lusaka to hold talks with the ANC. The two bodies issued a statement expressing their commitment to the overthrow of White supremacy.
The National Education Crisis Committee (NECC) met in March 1986 and called off the schools boycott, a phenomenon that had continued intermittently ever since the June 1976 unrest.
Despite the lifting of the emergency on 7 March 1986, the month saw the highest number of deaths resulting from political clashes and state repression, with 171 people dead. From September 1984 to March 1986, 1416 people are estimated to have died.
June 1986 saw the beginning of Soweto’s rent boycott, while the state reinstated the State of Emergency on 12 June, arresting hundreds of activists ahead of the 16 June anniversary.
In October 1986, a Campaign for National Action was called for by COSATU, the UDF, the NECC and the SACC. Later in the same month the UDF was declared an 'affected organisation'. But December saw a call for a 'Black Christmas' in protest against the emergency, in which the UDF asked the people to celebrate Christmas in a frugal manner, without buying goods or holding parties or celebrations.
The Whites-only election of 5 May 1987 was preceded by a UDF call for nationwide protests. On 26 July, various UDF leaders were arrested, including national treasurer Azhar Cachalia.
In August, the UDF adopted the Freedom Charter, reflecting its alignment with ANC history and policies. On 24 February 1988, 17 anti-apartheid organisations were banned, including the UDF, Azapo and COSATU. The UDF and its affiliates called for a National Day of Action on the anniversary of the Sharpeville Massacre, 21 March.
Media Crackdowns
Throughout the 1980s, the media played a crucial role informing citizens about developments in the country. The state, for its part, became more and more heavy-handed in its treatment of the media. Since little of real importance was broadcast on SABC radio and television, newspapers carried reports of unrest, bannings, torture and state repression. Unsurprisingly, the state reacted by detaining journalists, banning newspapers or imposing severe restrictions on the media.
In 1980, a Commission of Inquiry into Reporting of Security Matters regarding the SADF and the South African Police Force recommended severe restrictions on reporting regarding the activities and movements of the Defence Force.
In October 1980, the Media Workers Association of SA (MWASA), a BC-inspired initiative, called for a boycott of all commercial newspapers. A nationwide strike followed in November and Black journalists demanded wage increases and recognition of MWASA. When the strike ended after eight weeks, the government banned four Black newspapers, including the Post and Sunday Post. In December, the president and vice-president of MWASA were served with three-year banning orders. But in February 1981 a new newspaper, Sowetan, hit the streets, following the same editorial policies of the banned newspapers.
30 June, Zwelakhe Sisulu, the president of MWASA, was arrested under laws allowing for unlimited detention.
In August 1981, MWASA’s acting president was served with a 30-month banning order and placed under house arrest under the Internal Security Act.
On 1 February1982, the Steyn Commission of Inquiry into the Mass Media tabled its report, recommending the establishment of a council to regulate entry into the profession and sit in judgement on journalists accused of violating its statutory code of conduct. Newspaper bosses, both English and Afrikaans, responded in June, deciding to establish a media council independent of the state.
On 24 June 1982, a few days after clashes at the Regina Mundi church in Soweto, where 16 June commemoration was taking place, police announced that three members of MWASA were arrested. A few days later, on 19 August 1982, the Publications Act No15 came into force, tightening up state censorship of the media.
By 1985, when the first emergency was enforced, the media came under severe scrutiny and state repression, continuing in this mode throughout the later 1980s.
On 10 May 1988, newspapers New Nation and South were banned, and editors of English-language newspapers signed a petition protesting against media curbs. On 1 November of the same year, the Johannesburg-based Weekly Mail was suspended for four weeks, until 28 November1988. The editor of New Nation, Zwelakhe Sisulu, held in detention since 1986 was released on 2 December 1988, along with six other detainees.
Nationwide Church services on 13 March called on the government to temper its confrontations with liberation forces. The offices of the SACC, Khotso House, also the office of Afrapix in Johannesburg, were bombed on 31 August 1988, and a rightwing group claimed responsibility.
On 13 September 1988, three leading anti-apartheid activists, Mohammed Valli Moosa, Murphy Morobe, and Vusi Khanyile, escaped from detention and sought refuge in the American Consulate in Johannesburg. They remained there until 19 October, having succeeded in publicizing the plight of 1300 detainees.
Exit PW Botha
On 18 January 1989, PW Botha suffered a stroke, marking the beginning of his slide from power. Chris Heunis was appointed Acting President. By 2 February, Botha resigned as leader of the National Party (NP), but remained President, and was replaced by FW de Klerk as NP leader. On 6 April, Botha announced that Parliament would be dissolved by the end of May, after which elections would be held. He announced that he would not stand for re-election. In May, Botha announced the date for the election, 6 September. Heunis also announced that he would resign and not stand for re-election, along with a group of ministers who also resigned.
Before resigning on 14 August, Botha met with Nelson Mandela on 5 July at his official residence. With FW de Klerk as leader, the NP won the White election in September and became the last White President of South Africa.
Meanwhile, Winnie Mandela became embroiled in the Stompie Seipei affair, and the UDF and COSATU distanced themselves from her and her 'football team', effectively a private militia.
Now began a general movement of defiance of the most draconian of apartheid laws, a total disregard for the authority of the apartheid state. On 20 August, restricted organisations such as the UDF declared themselves “unbanned”. On 31 August, students at Wits University in Johannesburg held a large meeting at which four student organisations declared themselves “unrestricted”. Police broke up the meeting.
On 15 October seven senior ANC leaders and one PAC leader were released from prison and a huge rally welcomed them on their release. On 16 December, five leaders jailed in 1988 were released, including Patrick Lekota and Popo Molefe.
By 1990, the end of apartheid was evident to all South Africans, and on 2 February 1990 De Klerk announced the end of the emergency, the unbanning of the ANC, PAC, the SACP and other liberation organisations. Just over a week later, on 11 February, Nelson Mandela was released from prison after 27 years in captivity. Mandela flew to Lusaka to meet with ANC leaders, and was announced the Deputy President of the ANC. The ANC moved its head office from Lusaka to Johannesburg.
By 14 March, MK leader Joe Modise announced that the ANC was prepared to suspend the armed struggle – but would retain its arms – to facilitate negotiations towards a new democratic dispensation. A date was set for the beginning of 'talks about talks' between the government and the ANC, to begin on 11 April 1990.
Despite the thaw, police opened fire on demonstrators against high rent and segregated facilities in Sebokeng on 26 March 1990, killing 17 and wounding more than 380 people. The ANC decided to abandon the planned 11April talks with the government. On 5 April Mandela and De Klerk met to set a new date for negotiations to begin, and on 27 April Joe Slovo and Thabo Mbeki returned to South Africa after decades in exile.
The Beginning of the End of Apartheid
In February 1990, De Klerk announced the lifting of the State of Emergency and also the release of 48 political prisoners. The emergency was lifted throughout the country except in Natal, where a partial State of Emergency remained in place. Wracked by violence, the province was the site of repeated clashes between anti-apartheid forces and Inkatha warriors (impis). The ANC called for a week-long stay-away from 2 July to 9 July in protest against the violence, which it alleged was orchestrated by security forces under the direction of the government.
On 25 July, Mac Maharaj and more than 40 ANC members were arrested for alleged plans to overthrow the government in a violent coup. Meanwhile the SACP held its first public rally in Soweto, with some 40 000 people attending.
The end of apartheid became more and more evident, when on 9 January 1991, Black school children were admitted to 205 of 2000 previously Whites-only schools where parents voted for integration. On 1 February 1991, De Klerk announced the scrapping of the Land Act, the Group Areas Act, the Development of Black Communities Act and the Population Registration Act, four key pieces of apartheid legislation.
The Inkatha Backlash
After a pamphlet was distributed in Zulu hostels in the PWV region, warning Zulus that the ANC planned to drive them out of the province, clashes between axe-wielding Zulus and ordinary township dwellers resulted in more than 500 deaths in 11 days. A mass funeral at Jabulani Stadium in Soweto was attended by 6000 people.
Despite talks about the violence between the ANC, UDF, COSATU and the government, violence continued, and six people were killed and 400 shacks destroyed in Thokoza on 13 September 1991. A historic meeting between the ANC and IFP to discuss ways to end the violence in Natal resulted in a joint statement.
However, violent attacks continued. On 12 May, 1991 Inkatha supporters went on a rampage in a squatter camp in Kagiso in the West Rand, while on 25 June 1991 six commuters were killed when gunmen opened fire on train passengers. On 19 July 1991, a report in the New Nation featured an army sergeant, Felix Ndimene, saying that members of his regiment carried out an attack on train commuters in Soweto in September 1990, in which 26 people were killed. Also, on 23 July 1991 an IFP leader admitted that he had acted as a middleman when covert funds were given by the security forces to pay for Inkatha rallies. He was dismissed from Inkatha.
Two days later, representatives of the government, the ANC and IFP met in Johannesburg to discuss ways to end the violence. In September 23 political and trade union organisations, including the ANC, PAC and IFP signed a National Peace Accord.
Meanwhile, the state continued to make moves that would irk the ANC. On 24 September Winnie Mandela was charged with four counts of kidnapping and assault, related to the murder of Stompie Seipei.
Towards CODESA
On 13 December 1992, the President of the ANC, Oliver Tambo, returned to the country after three decades in exile. Arriving in Johannesburg, he was greeted by thousands of supporters. The next day, the ANC held its first Consultative Conference in South Africa. Held over three days and attended by 1600 delegates, it resolved to serve notice on the regime that unless it removed all obstacles to negotiations, the ANC would suspend the negotiation process. Reflecting its deference to the ANC, the UDF announced at a convention held on 2-3 March 1992 that it would disband itself on 20 August.
The ANC and PAC held a Patriotic Front conference in October. Attended by some 90 organisations, participants adopted a Declaration in which they called for: a Constituent Assembly to draft and adopt a democratic constitution; a sovereign Interim Government/Transitional Authority and an All Party Congress/Pre-Constituent Assembly Meeting.
On 30 November, 19 political and other organisations decided unanimously that the first meeting of a Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) would be held near Johannesburg on 20 and 21 December 1991, to discuss constitutional principles, constitution-making body or process and transitional arrangements.
The PAC dissociated itself from the final statement, saying that it 'did not reflect the PAC's position'. Several PAC proposals – such as neutral international conveners, the holding of CODESA outside of South Africa, and the opening of CODESA’s sessions to the media – were rejected by other parties.
On 20 December 1991, CODESA held its first meeting, in Johannesburg, and delegates signed a declaration of Intent. Although CODESA had its successes and failures, it marked the formalisation of the end of apartheid and led to the first democratic elections in April 1994.