September, Monty Naicker, J.N. Singh, Steven Dlamini, Kay Moonsamy and Rowley Arenstein resurfaced at the beginning of September when the Emergency was lifted. There were reports that they had fled to neighbouring countries and even gone overseas, but all had remained in South Africa. Monty and J.N. disguised themselves as Muslim priests and wandered around Natal to live with friends like George Singh in Riverside, Gopalal Hurbans in Tongaat, and the Bodasings on the North Coast.
In Pietermaritzburg, Chota Motala, A.S. Chetty, Sheik Hassan, Vasu Chetty, and others organised a historic leather-workers strike. For the first time in the 34-year history of the leather industry, workers of all races struck together. Chota Motala, Archie Gumede and Omar Essack were imprisoned. Chetty was fired from his job. Choti Motala did not receive communication from Chota for two months. Chota was in jail with Archie Gumede, Ahmed Sader and three people from the Transkei.
18 September, Monty Naicker told a meeting of the Textile Workers Union in Clairwood that 'repressing people by instilling fear into them and using force to subdue them and declaring emergencies and imprisoning people without trial is not the answer'.
24 September, Naicker addressed a meeting at the YMCA convened by the NIC and the South African Congress of Trade Unions (Sactu) on the pass laws. 'For years,' he said, 'the Africans have been humiliated with pass laws. They must take immediate steps to erase this slavery and humiliation.'
October, The Progressive Party suggested at the beginning of October 1960 that blacks should be given a qualified franchise. Monty rejected this as inadequate in light of the granting of independence to African and Asian countries. He viewed it as nothing more than an attempt to 'soften the growing demands of the unfranchised majority of South Africa. He said, 'I associate myself completely with Chief Luthuli in expressing my disapproval of the inadequacy of the proposals.'
23 October, Naicker addressed a meeting of the Cato Manor Indian Ratepayers Council, and told the large turnout that blacks were 'being robbed of everything in the name of Christianity.'
September 1960, The state of emergency immobilised a number of organisers in the crucial months leading up to November 1960, and the Centenary Committee only met in early September 1960 when the emergency was over. In the two years that had passed since it had first been set up, the apartheid regime had gone on the offensive, and so when the Committee reconvened, the NIC was determined to reinforce its commitment to opposing apartheid, and aligning itself with broader black opposition. The resignation of P.R. Pather for health reasons and his replacement by J.N. Singh as chairman increased NIC influence. J.N. Singh told reporters that instead of 'grandiose' celebrations, they would focus on low-key celebrations and the establishment of a Scholarship Fund for Education. M.G. Naidoo was appointed chairman in Pietermaritzburg; Dr M.C. Meer in Stanger; Gopalal Hurbans in Tongaat; Y.S. Chinsamy in Verulam, and Dr M. Godfrey in Port Shepstone. In Ladysmith, Monty Naicker delivered a keynote address at the Dhanrama Sabha Hall on 12 November, at an event organised by Vithal Lala and Dr A.H. Sader.
24 November, Albert Christopher passes away.
9 December, The NIC began organising what was described as 'the biggest political meeting ever held' in Durban. It was advertised for Curries Fountain on 9 December 1960. Thousands turned up to hear Monty, Steven Dlamini and George Mbele but the meeting was banned at the last minute. Monty issued a statement that the banning was clear evidence that the government was afraid 'of the broad will of the people.'
17 December, A conference of 200 delegates representing 50 organisations met in Durban. Monty, A.M. Moolla of the NIO, Dr A.D. Lazarus of the Natal Indian Teachers' Society, Ebrahim Ebrahim of the NIYC, Dr Alam Baboolal of the Combined Indian Ratepayers Organisation, Thumba Pillay of the SRC of the University of Natal, Alan Paton, and Professor Leo Kuper were among the speakers. M.D. Naidoo moved a motion, seconded by A.M. Moolla, calling on Indians not to serve on the Indian University Advisory Council; whites to understand 'the feelings of the Indian people and refuse to serve on the council'; teachers who 'treasure the true traditions of a University to recognise the importance of not accepting any teaching post'; and parents and students to 'explore alternate possibilities as far as possible' for university education. When it was announced that Mr Nattrass, Principal of the M.L. Sultan Technical College, and Colonel Butler Porter had agreed to serve on the Council, Monty Naicker announced that if they had -the interest of the Indian people at heart, and knowing that the entire Indian community is opposed - they should resign from their positions.
14 January, Monty addressed a meeting of the Liberal Party in Stanger, where he said that 'the ruling class must realise that denial of freedom is the cause of violence.' This was after the first Umkhonto explosions and he was signalling to the government that its policies were to blame.
21 January, Addressing a meeting in Clermont, Durban he called for the immediate lifting of the ban on Luthuli and the ANC, 'to enable it to carry out its function for the liberation of the people.'
February 1962, Sunny Singh, who joined Umkhonto in February 1962, argued that the state clampdown left him with no alternative but to join the organisation.
8 February, Accompanied by a 'named communist', A. Maharchand, Monty Naicker spoke under the banner of Sactu at Consolidated Textiles in Jacobs, where he called on every Indian, Coloured and African to join the trade union movement and unions must in turn link up with Sactu.
1 March, Addressing a meeting of the NIC at the Andhra Hall, Clairwood, Durban, Monty Naicker called on Indians to reject government-created bodies and fight for common citizenship.
April, At Apdusa's first national conference, I.B. Tabata was elected president. Natal's representation came with the election of Enver Hassim as publications officer.
6 May, Addressing the Cato Manor and District Ratepayers Association on the Group Areas Act, Naicker was adamant that 'we will fight to the bitter end for Cato Manor. It will only be taken away over our dead bodies.'
19 May, Naicker led a protest through West Street against the General Law Amendment Bill.
23 May, Together with A.K.M. Docrat and A. Maharchand, he addressed a meeting of the Progressive Party at the Durban City Hall.
1 June, Monty addressed another mass meeting against the impending General Law Amendment Act at Curries Fountain, Durban. 'The nationalists have destroyed freedom of speech and many other things. So this meeting is determined not to accept Vorster's Bill. We have no guns or Saracens but with our bare hands we can stop this. All freed countries in Africa are with us, 'he said in his message.
22 June 1962 - 21 June 1963, There were 28 Umkhonto attacks in Durban in the 12-month period from 22 June 1962 - 21 June 1963, involving, amongst others, Ebie Ebrahim, Bruno Mtolo, Steven Dlamini, Eric Mtshali, Billy Nair, Ronnie Kasrils, Sunny Singh, George Naicker, Natoo Barbenia, Riot Mkwanzi, David Perumal and Alfred Duma. Ebrahim's Durban cell included Natoo Babenia, D.V. Perumal and Sunny Singh. During the Treason Trial, M.P. was away from the New Age office for long periods, and Ebie assisted after school. He became part of the inner circle and when recruited by Kasrils, had no hesitation in joining, seeing the turn to violence as the only way to secure freedom.
26 June, Accompanied by A.K.M. Docrat, Naicker addressing a meeting in Prince Edward Street accused the government of moving 'in the line of the Nazi Government'.
26 August, Naicker addressed an NIC meeting at Allison Clothing Company, Durban where he again attacked the curb on freedom.
19 October, Monty called for the unbanning of Helen Joseph when he addressed the Federation of South African Women saying that the only crime Helen Joseph had committed was to stand up for truth, freedom, and democracy.
1 December, Naicker addressed a Sactu meeting in Clairwood, Durban where he said that all that was expected from the Nationalists was 'oppression.
14 October, The bombing of AI Kajee's office was meant to deter others from participating in apartheid structures. Ebrahim Ebrahim, Perumal, Natoo and Sunny Singh went to Kajee's office in Alice Street, Durban. Perumal and Natoo stood guard in Alice Street while Ebie and Sunny went into the passage leading to Kajee's office. As pre-arranged they met an hour later at the corner of Commercial Road and Soldiers Way. The attack, Ebrahim explained, had been aborted because they were disturbed by the night-watchman. They decided that since the explosives had been prepared, they would 'blow up a train.' They caught the 8:45 pm train to Effingham, jumped off at Churchill Station, and set off the petrol bomb near Duffs Road. The empty cabin caught on fire but there were no casualties.
29 October, Billy Nair, Ganesan 'Coetsee' Naicker and Ebie Ebrahim met at the corner of Pine Street and Cathedral Road. Coetsee, M.P Naicker's brother, 29, married, a clerk at Coronation Brick and Tile, and an Executive Member of the NIYC when he was recruited into Umkhonto by Ronnie Kasrils in June 1962. Shortly after being approached by Ronnie, he met with Bruno and Natoo at M.D. Naidoo's office in Lodson House. Bruno was accompanied by a person whom they didnot meet again (Michael Masuko). Bruno told them that they were part of the Technical Committee and had to 'carry out experiments to produce better methods to carry out explosions.' Billy, Ebie, and Coetsee took the bus to Clairwood and made their way to Umhlatuzana Road. Led by Ebie, they went to the pylons at the top of the hill to estimate how much cordtex and dynamite would be needed. The mission was to be carried out the following evening. Ebrahim, Coetsee and Moonsamy arrived at the appointed time but Billy arrived an hour late and explained that the operation had been aborted because he could not find a car to transport the explosives. They met at the Mobeni Indian School the following evening, 1 November 1962. Billy arrived and drove them to Umhlatuzana Road. They laced the dynamite with cordtex and placed putty over it to ensure that it blew inwards. As reported in the newspapers the following morning, the mission was a success. Almost simultaneously, Ronnie blew up pylons in Sarnia, and Bruno in New Germany. The attacks plunged Durban into darkness. Ebrahim cheekily covered the story for New Age. As the newspaper's photographer he was on the scene with the police, and his photographs were published in New Age and circulated to the world.
5 December, Kisten Moonsamy, Kisten Doorsamy and Deva Padayachee blew up telephone cables in Umlazi. They travelled by bus to the corner of South Coast and Pendlebury Roads, carrying the bomb-making equipment in a paper carrier bag, dug holes with a chisel, prepared the bomb, ran all the way to the Navy Camp in Himalaya Road, and from there took the bus home. Their next attack was at Beacon Sweets, their place of employment. They travelled by bus around 8:00 pm, walked across a river and railway line, through the Clairwood Racecourse to the South Coast Road side of the course where the manhole was situated outside Beacon's main gate. After their arrest, Moonsamy and Doorsamy were imprisoned on Robben Island; Ragoowan Dan Kistensamy was acquitted because of lack of evidence; Deva confessed under torture, but in court refused to testify against his comrades and was imprisoned in Pietermaritzburg.
9 December, The same MK cell carried out a dynamite attack on AI Kajee's office, causing an estimated £150 worth of damages. Kajee appeared in court for the prosecution when the men were caught. Ironically, he seemed to understand the frustration of the cadres. He said that while the 'extremists believed in a full loaf or no loaf we believe in taking half a loaf also.' Asked if his approach was succeeding, Kajee, to the astonishment of the court, replied, 'I personally can say it is not successful as far as I am concerned.' Most Indians felt that they 'would not get a thing and frustration was building up. The majority of Indians did not have his optimistic outlook, he said, because they were constantly foiled. Anger was reaching boiling point, Kajee warned, and you do feel the treatment is not right. It is very unfair and unjust
31 December, Monty and Marie lived at 189 Percy Osborne Road in Morningside, one of the first areas to be declared for the exclusive use of the white group. They were given notice to quit their home by this date.
1 January, Thumba Pillay, the youngest member of the NIC executive, was served with his first five-year banning order. It was extended for another five years in 1968.
11 January, When police visited on 11 January 1963 they found Monty and Marie Naicker, being members of the Indian Group wrongfully and unlawfully without the authority of a permit to occupy the said premises. They were charged. The case was set for 26 April 1963. Monty refused to apply for a permit to live in a 'white' area. He said that as a follower of Gandhi, he would 'rather go to prison than go against a principle for which [I] have fought so long at great sacrifice and that he was 'too much of an old campaigner to be intimidated.'
7 August, Sunny Singh was arrested at the Blue Moon tea-room, in Durban, where he worked. The police searched his house and took away his reading materials and press cuttings of Chief Luthuli, Nelson Mandela. He was arrested under the 90-day law. Sunny was kept in solitary confinement, interrogated, and beaten by the police.
21 October, Natoo Barbenia was released from 90-day detention and charged under the Sabotage Act.
Ebrahim Ismail Ebrahim (Ebie), Alfred Duma, Girja 'Sunny' Singh, Shadrack Mapumulo, Natvarlal Babenia, Bernard Nkosi, Billy Nair, Zakela Mdhlalose, Kisten Moonsamy, Matthews Mayiwa, George Naicker, Joshua Zulu, Kisten Doorsamy, David Mkize, Curnick Ndlovu, David Ndwonde, Ragoowan Kistensamy, Siva Pillay and Riot Mkwanzi were formally charged under the June 1962 Sabotage Act. They were accused of acting in common purpose to obtain explosives to violently damage the property of other persons and the State, and were charged with carrying out attacks using petrol bombs, pipe bombs, dynamite, and cutting instruments. Billy Nair and Curnick Ndlovu were additionally charged with being part of the Regional Command, and Babenia of being part of the Technical Committee.
Zuleika Christopher and Enver Hassim were banned in 1964 and subsequently detained under the 90-Day law. In 1966, they were charged with breaching their banning orders and given suspended sentences. The Provincial Administration dismissed Zuleika from her position as Senior Medical Officer, which she successfully challenged in the Supreme Court. Enver was detained under the 180-Day detention law for allegedly forging passports for exiles. They were also subject to routine persecution: surveillance, telephone tapping, threatening calls and police raids, euphemistically called 'visits'. Exile was difficult, but was the only way for them, in Kader Hassim's words, 'to escape the wrath of fascism Those who remained viewed such departures as fighters who, after being wounded, tactically take themselves away from the battlefield.' Zuleika Christopher died in exile in 1992.
28 February, Sentence was handed down on the first MK operatives: Ebrahim Ebrahim was imprisoned for 15 years; Billy Nair 20 years; Natoo Babenia, 16 years; Sunny Singh 10 years; Kisten Moonsamy 14 years; George Naicker 14 years; Kisten Doorsamy 12 years; Siva Pillay 8 years; Curnick Ndlovu 20 years; Alfred Duma 10 years; Shadrack Ndlovu 13 years; David Nkosi 5 years; David Ndawonde 8 years and Matthews Meyiya, 8 years.
15 April, Three security policemen arrived at Springfield Teacher Training College, Asherville, Durban and whisked Subbiah Moodley away to his flat. Subbiah was interrogated at Wentworth Police Station. He was denied access to a lawyer and viciously assaulted. Subbiah complained to a visiting magistrate who replied that he was 'not there to entertain frivolous excuses.' Despite refusing to give information, his game was up when Bruno Mtolo identified him. Subbiah was sentenced to three years imprisonment, two of which were suspended because he was a youth at the time of the bombings. He was taken to Leeukop Prison and put into 'D Seksie' with rapists and murderers. Leeukop was for short-term political prisoners only, and Subbiah was sent to Kroonstad in the Free State. When he got there, however, the warder told him in Afrikaans, 'Hey, we do not keep 'charras' (Indians) here' and he was returned to Leeukop where he spent the year. At the end of the year he was given a third-class rail warrant and made his way to Durban. The Security Police continued to hound him.